Culture

Where Are the Great Brazilian Christmas Carols?

Christian music industry is booming in the country, but at Christmastime, congregations are singing the oldies.

A palm tree with an ornament made out of a CD hiding in the leaves
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Mallory Rentsch Tlapek / Source Images: Getty

At any given hour on a December day in Brazil, a radio station is playing Simone’s 1995 version of “Então É Natal,” a local version of John Lennon and Yoko Ono’s “Happy Xmas (War is Over).” The cover has become so ubiquitous that in 1999, one newspaper columnist suggested that people fled the country at the end of the year to escape its incessant performance.

Brazil’s obsession with translated Christmas songs extends to church music, where most Christians sing and Christian radio stations play Portuguese versions of old European carols, like “Cantai que o Salvador Chegou” (“Joy to the World”) and “Oh Vinde Adoremos” (“O Come, All Ye Faithful).”

It’s not that Brazilian Christmas songs don’t exist: There are standards from the past, such as “Boas Festas” (“Happy Holidays”) by Assis Valente, released in 1933; Otávio Babo Filho’s “O Velhinho” (“The Old Man”), popularized by Carlos Galhardo in 1957; and the carnival-style “Meninos da Mangueira” (“Boys from Mangueira,” a reference to one of the most known samba groups of Rio de Janeiro) by Ataulfo Alves Júnior (1976). But all are songs about Santa Claus. 

Meanwhile, Christian Christmas songs, even Roman Catholic ones, are lacking. Among the Catholics, most celebrations are modest. Local traditions like Missa do Gallo (Midnight Mass) don’t have specific local musical traditions, and church leaders often lend their buildings for public Christmas programs unrelated to church programs.

Meanwhile, Brazilian gospel music has exploded in popularity. According to Spotify, the genre’s listenership grew on average 44 percent each year between 2015 and 2020. This year, from January to March alone, the number of gospel music listeners on Spotify grew an additional 46 percent. In another platform, Deezer, two of the most streamed songs in the country in 2024 were Christian.

So why has a country known for its vibrant music scene, robust recording industry, and a growing evangelical population been slow to produce original Christmas music? 

Part of it may be a consequence of the Judaizing theological movement that gained traction  in the 1990s, happening simultaneously as the Brazilian evangelical population began to explode, said Renato Marinoni, founder of the Institute of Worship, Culture, and Art.

In addition to advocating for the observance of Jewish festivals, this movement began to argue that the Bible doesn’t command the celebration of Jesus’ birth and that the date of Christmas was borrowed from pre-Christian pagan rituals. As this ideology spread, many churches began downsizing their own Christmas celebrations. 

“During my childhood, the church I attended in Poços de Caldas always put up a large Christmas tree in the building, but over time this tradition disappeared,” said Marinoni.

The lack of original holiday music sets Brazil apart from its Latin American neighbors. In Hispanic America, as in the United States, Christian musicians regularly release Christmas albums. Artists such as Marcos Witt (an American, son of missionaries who lived in Mexico) and Mexico’s Jesús Adrián Romero have regularly composed and released Christmas music for years. Some of them, such as Witt’s “Emanuel, Dios con Nosotros Es” are sung by Spanish-speaking congregations in seasonal services.

The same phenomenon is not seen in Brazil. “In the last decade, Brazilian evangelicals have produced lots of original worship music, but this type of repertoire [linked to Christian festivities] has not been something artists have as a priority [as it is in other countries],” said Marcell Steuernagel, the director of Southern Methodist University’s master of sacred music program, who grew up in Curitiba, Brazil. 

Compared to other parts of the world (and compared to those countries’ holidays), Brazilian Christians celebrate the festival in a more introspective, familiar way, said Fabiane Behling Luckow, an art history professor at the Universidade Federal de Pelotas. 

Many Christmas practices, including the singing of Christian Christmas carols, came as a result of immigration. Protestant migrants and missionaries who arrived in Brazil in the 19th and 20th centuries brought their denominations’ hymnals and translated them, Luckow said.

Beyond their theological significance, celebrations such as Christmas connected newcomers to a distant motherland and family members across generations.

“This time of the year makes me very happy because I know that I’ll finally sing hymnal songs that remind me of my childhood and my grandmother,” said Luckow, whose family immigrated to Brazil from Germany. 

Steuernagel agrees that Christmastime is marked by the celebration of traditions. “During the ‘ordinary time’ of the liturgical year, people turn to new music, to new releases,” he said. “During Christmas, as at Easter, people seek a return to the old and traditional.” 

Traditional arrangements of Christmas carols are structurally and stylistically different from popular new worship songs, which tend to “have few chords and rely heavily on repetition,” said Anuacy Fontes, president of the Council of Music of the Presbyterian Church of Brazil. “It works very well for congregational singing, but it’s not what churches need at Christmas.”

The association of Christmas music with classical music, choirs, and orchestras may actually “discourage those whose work stems from a more popular context from exploring this area,” said Jorge Camargo, a Christian singer and composer. For instance, worship leaders may feel that Brazilian genres like Música Popular Brasileira, which incorporates samba’s guitar and drum, create “too simple” of a sound for the holiday.

Camargo, who has been active in the Christian music industry since 1980, issued a Christmas-themed album—Natal, Piano e Voz, in 2021. Only 2 of the album’s 11 songs were original.

The Christmas album, he said, is not among his most-played on digital platforms, even during the holiday season. “The upside is that I can promote it every year as if it were something new, because most people are unfamiliar with these recordings.”

The desire to add complexity and grandeur to Christmas celebrations has led many Brazilian churches to rely on cantatas (accompanied choral pieces that may have multiple movements, carols, or selections from larger works, like Handel’s Messiah), almost always translated from English and German, Marinoni said.

Almost all evangelical churches, even when they are small, have their own choirs. In general, Christmas services are special programs, with a brief preaching and more music than usual. Some congregations enact Nativity scenes. Most of these services happen before the week of Christmas—services closer to the holidays are often empty because many families travel to spend Christmas with their families in other cities.

Despite this national preference for old music, choirs, and orchestras, some dissenting voices have been raised. Defying the trend, some Christian musicians are dedicated to creating new Christmas songs with a focus on congregational singing. Purples, a band based in Limeira, in the state of São Paulo, has released a Christmas song every year since 2022.

“The Incarnation of Jesus, the one who made himself nothing as mentioned in Philippians 2:7, has always deeply moved me,” said Júlio Filho, Purples’ vocalist and songwriter. 

“In 2022, when my son Cristiano was born, was when I realized how defenseless and vulnerable a baby is. That event made me come to a better understanding of the state of humiliation our Lord endured when he came into the world in such a profoundly human way.”

This was how “Emanuel,” Purples’ first Christmas song, came to life, which Júlio wrote for his small church to sing—and then was pleasantly surprised when he learned that other churches had incorporated the song into their services. The chorus says, “Christmas, our hope is born / Earth and heavens, bow to baby Jesus.”

The following year brought “Isaías 9,” whose lyrics are based on Isaiah 9:2, 6. With a simpler arrangement than “Emanuel,” the song was written to be accessible for worship leaders to teach their band and congregation. The band’s most recent track, “Glória,” released on November 25, includes vocals from a local church children’s choir and a portion that brings back Julio’s reflections on the Incarnation: “He became one of us. / He emptied himself. / By grace he delivered favor to his own.”

“Brazilian Christians are often concerned about anything that feels overly commercial, and this is also a concern shared by musicians,” Filho said. “But we need to be more intentional about celebrating occasions like Christmas and Easter so we are not flooded by tunes like Simone’s ‘Então É Natal.’”

Church Life

Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural

Leaders discuss the rituals and practices impacting faith formation in Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam.

A shaman in smoke and a shaman dancing around a fire
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

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Asia has a crowded spirit world. And shamans are in the thick of the action. 

Shamans serve as mediators between the human world and the spirit world. They communicate with spirits to achieve certain aims for individuals or communities, such as physical healing or alleviation of a disaster.

Unlike Buddhist monks or Hindu priests, shamans embrace spirit possession, said Chansamone Saiyasak, founder of Mekong Evangelical Mission in Thailand. “Shamanistic practices address basic needs, from health and security to social belonging and self-esteem, similar to Maslow’s hierarchy,” Saiyasak said.

In other parts of the world, an encounter with mystical forces beyond human comprehension may occur through consuming psychedelics like ayahuasca, a South American Indigenous concoction with hallucinogenic properties, or when seeing a sangoma, a South African witch doctor, to connect with an ancestor.

In Asia, engaging with spirits or divine entities is an activity that is often centered on the role of the shaman. Seeking counsel from a shaman is often seen as a legitimate and effective way to deal with everyday matters in life, from deciding who to marry to removing bad luck and healing diseases or illnesses.

Belief in the supernatural is widespread in the region: A majority of adults in Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Vietnam say they believe in a god or unseen beings, according to Pew Research Center. Having an otherworldly experience is commonplace as well. “We often experience evil spirits before we experience the Holy Spirit,” said author Justin Tan in a CT piece on the Hungry Ghost Festival.

Christianity Today interviewed seven scholars on how shamanism shows up in certain Asian contexts, what its key sources are, how it has influenced their churches, and what Bible verses challenge it.

In South Korea, shamanism is growing in popularity as younger shamans work through YouTube and other social media platforms to assuage citizens’ anxiety for the future. In Japan and Thailand, animistic beliefs form the bedrock of shamanistic rituals. In Indonesia, people may regard pastors as “spiritual shamans” who wield special powers. And in the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam, folk religion, folk Catholicism, and Daoism (Taoism) have helped shamanism to thrive because many of their rituals encourage people to appease a spirit or venerate a deity.

While shamanism has helped to develop a greater awareness of the spirit world across many parts of Asia, engaging in shamanistic rituals or practices invites syncretism, opens up room for evil spirits to influence a person’s life, and goes against God’s injunctions on spiritism and sorcery, say these Christian leaders. Their responses can be found in the drop-down list above or linked below:

Indonesia Kristian Kusumawardana, head of the bachelor’s degree program in theology at Bandung Theological Seminary

Japan Martin Heisswolf, author of Japanese Understanding of Salvation: Soteriology in the Context of Japanese Animism

Philippines Dave Johnson, editor of the Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies at the Asia Pacific Theological Seminary

South Korea Yohong Roh, instructor of religious studies at Louisiana State University

Taiwan Tony Chuang, author of Religiosity and Gospel Transmission: Insights from Folk Religion in Taipei

Thailand Chansamone Saiyasak, president of Mekong Evangelical Mission

Vietnam Saralen Tran, Christian education lecturer at Hanoi Bible College

Church Life

Shamanism in Indonesia

Can Christians practice ‘white knowledge’ to heal the sick and exorcize demons?

People sitting in smoke with a shaman praying
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

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When I was 14, a Christian friend introduced me to “white knowledge,” a supposedly mystical power from God that is distinct from the “black knowledge” of the devil. I memorized mantras, fasted, meditated, and performed special rituals. Once I mastered enough of this knowledge to become a “white shaman,” I used the power I felt I had acquired to heal the sick, exorcize demons, and protect people from black magic attacks, which occur through spells or charms that are used to harm others.

The deeper I delved into white knowledge, however, the darker my heart, mind, and emotions became. While I continued to attend church, I felt no peace. My mind didn’t understand Scripture, and my emotions were uncontrollable, although I was able to do good things that helped people.

Amid this confusion, I read 2 Corinthians 11:13–14 and realized that the white knowledge I had been studying was a deception of Satan, who masquerades as an angel of light. Nearly three years after I became a white shaman, I repented and experienced new birth. From then on, I have grown in my understanding of God’s Word.

Practicing shamanism is quite common in Indonesia, and it has a deep-rooted influence in the country’s culture. Shamans appear to possess supernatural power to either maintain or disrupt natural harmony. If they pray and perform rituals to heal the sick, expel evil spirits, support businesses, or maintain the harmony of life, people believe that their power originates from a god or a good spirit. These individuals are often called white shamans. Religious figures, including pastors, are often described as such.

In contrast, if certain individuals disrupt the harmony of life through their rituals by causing illness, economic loss, and suffering to others, people believe their power originates from evil spirits, and they are categorized as black shamans. They can easily become the target of mass anger and hatred. From 1998 to 1999, vigilantes killed more than 250 people suspected to be black shamans in East Java.

Because of traumatic memories from the 1998 killings, the Javanese word for shaman, dukun, carries a negative connotation. Those who practice witchcraft prefer to be called “paranormal,” or kyai in Javanese.

Recent events reveal the power that shamans continue to wield in Indonesian society.

In March 2022, a rain shaman performed rituals at a track on Lombok island to stop a downpour so that an international motorcycle race could proceed smoothly. While some people were against her actions, many were in favor, especially because the rain stopped. Last April, authorities arrested a village shaman in central Java for killing at least 12 people whom he had scammed in a money-multiplying scheme.

Generally, Christians in Indonesia reject shamanistic practices. Deuteronomy 18:10–12 firmly states that shamanistic rituals are “detestable to the Lord.” The account of Saul’s failure in 1 Chronicles 10:13–14 also serves as a stern warning to God’s people that consulting spirits, which is one form of shamanism, can bring about harsh judgment from God.

Some churches, especially those deeply rooted in traditional cultures, attempt to contextualize the gospel by adapting rituals commonly practiced by white shamans. For example, the Javanese Christian Church (Gereja Kristen Jawa) replaces ceremonies traditionally led by white shamans—like midodareni (a prewedding ceremony), mitoni (a seven-month pregnancy celebration),and nyewu dina (a thousand-day postdeath ceremony)—with thanksgiving services led by pastors.

The influence of the sacred-secular dichotomy in Indonesian Christianity, however, fosters spiritual shamanistic practices within the church. This dichotomy leads some to believe that there are certain people and objects that possess supernatural powers, enabling them to act as mediators with the spirit world.

In the church, this dichotomy makes pastors, the cross, the communion cup, and anointing oil be regarded as having supernatural powers, serving as mediators with God. As a result, the congregation may believe that only the pastor’s prayers are heard by God and that by touching or kissing the cross or communion cup or being anointed with oil, they will be blessed and healed by God.

This sacred-secular dichotomy should be increasingly dismantled. Evangelical church leaders should engage in intentional mentoring and discipleship so that congregations will increasingly understand and obey the Word of God. Seminaries can also conduct more research and studies on the gospel and culture to produce a more contextual theology.

Kristian Kusumawardana is head of the bachelor’s degree program in theology at Bandung Theological Seminary. Read more in our series’ lead article, Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural.

Church Life

Shamanism in Japan

Christians in the country view pastors’ benedictions as powerful spiritual mantras.

Shamans in Japan
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

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I lived in various parts of Japan, including the city of Yokohama, for 26 years. One of my neighbors was a practicing shaman who described herself as a “pipe” through which God’s blessings would flow. We invited her to our home and had deep conversations about our faiths, religious practices, and ups and downs in our work.

Japanese shamanism is not a religion but a way of exercising spiritual guidance in the context of an animist worldview. It likely arose from the shamanistic practices of the Ainu, an Indigenous ethnic group in northern Japan.

In ancient times, shamans were mainly involved in political affairs. The role of shaman was almost exclusively held by women in pre-Buddhist Japan around the eighth century. Today, shamans tell fortunes, connect the living and the dead as mediums, conduct salvific rites for the deceased, and provide counseling and healing ministries.

Three traditional groups of shamans exist today: the miko, who work mainly in Shinto shrines and dance to stabilize the cosmic axis connecting heaven and earth; the kuchiyose, who are masters of telepathy, mediumship, necromancy, and divination and gain knowledge that they use in fortune telling when they are possessed; and the jussha (magicians) and gyōsha (practitioners), who are key figures of Japanese “new religions” like the modern Shinto sect Tenrikyō.

In the last 50 years, interest in shamanism has rapidly increased. Some factors for this development include the abolishment of State Shintō in 1945, which allowed new sects to develop, and the growth of individualism, which freed people to fashion their own patchwork religions by drawing on old occult practices and supernatural phenomena. There are about ten times as many books on shamanism published today than in the 1950s.

Japan is a fast-paced and technologically advanced society, but when it comes to worldviews, the country has never been modern. High school and university education puts a thin layer of Western rationalism over an otherwise solid core of premodern thinking in which shamanism plays a vital role.

This is reflected in how the role of a pastor is conceived in some Japanese churches, where pastors’ prayers, particularly for healing, are considered more powerful than those of lay people. Only pastors can deliver the benediction, which is often understood as a mantra with inherent spiritual power. Pledging obedience to the pastor may also be part of public baptismal vows, and pastors can forbid church members from visiting other congregations.

Within the church, Japanese evangelicals must address the danger of spiritual abuse, especially as the culture favors a top-down leadership style. The Yawata scandal in 2005, where a pastor sexually abused women and girls in his church while claiming to have divine authority over them, shook the Japanese church and has since galvanized greater awareness and preventive action.

Mitsuru Murakami, a pastor and expert on churches that deteriorated into cults, and Jean Dôgen, a missionary from Truth Word Mission Church Kansai, founded organizations that help victims. Missionary William Wood’s book When Churches Turn into Cults: Fostering Biblical Discernment was also widely recognized and challenged pastors to rethink their leadership styles.

Outside the church, Japanese evangelicals must tackle worldview issues that are commonly only addressed by shamans or Shinto and Buddhist practitioners. These topics may include the felt need for protection against hostile spiritual beings, healing, discernment in important decisions, and ancestor veneration. If evangelicals don’t address these topics, Christianity will likely not be considered a relevant religion, which may lead believers to seek answers to these questions outside of the Christian faith.

The Old Testament is full of references that candidly speak against activities that fall into the field of Japanese shamanism. The most prominent shaman of his age, Balaam, attested to this: “There is no divination against Jacob, no evil omens against Israel. It will now be said of Jacob and of Israel, ‘See what God has done!’” (Num. 23:23). Divination and sorcery are not necessary for the people of God because the Lord will guide and provide for them. Seeking instruction from any other god would be an act of infidelity.

Martin Heisswolf is the author of Japanese Understanding of Salvation: Soteriology in the Context of Japanese Animism. Read more in our series’ lead article, Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural.

Church Life

Shamanism in the Philippines

Filipinos’ desire to connect with the supernatural shouldn’t be eradicated, but transformed and redirected toward Christ.

Shaman in the Philippines dancing
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

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Every aspect of life in precolonial Philippines was religious. When the Spanish came in 1521, they brought Catholicism with them. Some Filipinos converted without changing their worldviews. Instead of venerating the deities of pre-Spanish traditional practices, Filipinos switched to venerating Catholic saints that performed the same functions—what we call folk Catholicism today.

The average Filipino sees no contradiction between going to a Catholic priest for forgiveness of sin and to a witchdoctor for healing. Many grow up doing both, as the Catholic church does not take a hard stand against folk rituals and practices.

Instead of shamans, Filipinos use the term witch doctors. Witch doctors are generally seen as honored members of society who care well for people seeking treatment for physical and psychological ailments. Sorcerers, meanwhile, are the “bad boys” of society who place curses and hexes on people.

There are two types of witch doctors in the country. The albularyo use divinatory practices to determine and diagnose illnesses, prescribe herbal remedies, and use various incantations in their healing processes. They will often write out a mantra called an oración—from the Spanish word for prayer—that can be written on paper and swallowed with water. In some cases, the mantra is tattooed on the client’s skin.

Another kind of witch doctor, the espiritista, will often be possessed by a spirit and go into a trancelike state before prescribing a remedy. When the spirit leaves their body, they remember nothing about what they did during that time. Some are also known to be able to put their hand inside of a human body with no medical instruments, no incision, and no scars left behind to allegedly perform healing.

The practice of seeing a witch doctor persists in the Philippines because modern society doesn’t address people’s deepest felt needs: How do I know my children are going to be successful or healthy? How do I know what the right day to get married is? The desire to connect with the supernatural is very strong, and no amount of cell phone technology or the internet is going to alter that.

Filipinos shouldn’t lose their desire for the supernatural. Christian leaders can redirect this desire toward God alone, not the Virgin Mary, the saints, or spirits. The goal is not to eradicate the worldview of the Filipinos but to transform it. The amulets, talismans, and paraphernalia used in witch-doctor practices ultimately have to be confronted and destroyed, but that process won’t happen right away.

People need time and discipleship needs to happen, especially as evangelical Christianity in the Philippines has tended to ignore issues relating to shamanism. Pentecostal missionaries, however, had a greater openness to the spirit world when they arrived in the country, even if they came with the same biases as other evangelical missionaries.

One verse in Scripture that challenges shamanistic practices is Exodus 12:12, where God says, “I will bring judgment on all the gods of Egypt.” God reveals the utter impotence of the other gods. Another Bible verse I often refer to is Colossians 2:15, where Jesus publicly held up the powers of darkness for display at the Cross, much like a Roman conqueror dragging slaves with him into town when he returned victorious in battle.

These verses strengthen my faith and my resolve that we deal with these issues. I encourage pastors to teach in ways that deal with a person’s worldview instead of just addressing behavioral issues. A theology of creation is critical to dealing with worldview, because many Filipinos think that the spirits control the weather, fertility, and other experiences they face. 

I interviewed 70 witch doctors in the Philippines as part of my master’s thesis research in 1997. All but one allowed me to observe their ceremonies and pray for them. The witch doctor who wanted us to leave her healing session had entered an altered state of consciousness but found it “too noisy” with us there. My team and I were excited because we felt that the demon spirit she claimed was possessing her could not move with the Spirit of God dwelling in us while we were present.

Another time, as we observed a group of fellow witch doctors going into a trance, I asked an espiritista, “Do we know what spirit is occupying and possessing them?” She replied, “Well, it could be the spirit of Saint Peter, San Antonio di Padua [Anthony of Padua], or the Holy Spirit. We won’t know until the end of the session when the spirit reveals itself.”

As long as people get healed, they very seldom question the source, which is one of the things that makes these practices dangerous—because people don’t realize what spirits they are dealing with and that these supernatural forces are in rebellion against God.

Dave Johnson is the editor of the Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies at the Asia Pacific Theological Seminary. Read more in our series’ lead article, Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural.

Church Life

Shamanism in South Korea

Why Christians in the country hold onto trees while praying outdoors.

A shaman holding a fan
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

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In the last decade, shamanism has undergone a revival in South Korea, particularly among younger generations, which are moving away from institutional religions. While not entirely supplanting traditional institutional religions, shamans offer personalized, one-on-one counseling that appeals to younger Koreans.

This resurgence is evident in popular culture, as seen in the highly successful 2024 film Exhuma and reality TV like Possessed Love, a dating show featuring good-looking shamans. Such shows offer a modernized and sophisticated portrayal of young shamans. Unlike traditional institutional religions, shamans have become accessible spiritual consultants, equipped with an approachable and nonauthoritarian image.

Shamanism represents one of the most ancient forms of religion in Korea. Its date of origin is unclear, but it was around the Three Kingdoms Period and before Buddhism arrived in the sixth century.

Shamanistic rituals, like communicating with dead souls, were regarded as obscene and vulgar in the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910) and continued to face stigmatization during the postcolonial era. Despite this public stigma, shamanism has maintained its significance in private spheres and is increasingly recognized as a distinctive Korean cultural heritage. Notably, shamanism exists outside official religious statistics in Korea. Many nominally nonreligious Koreans acknowledge spiritual entities and engage in Buddhist or shamanistic practices.

The relationship between shamanism and Korean Christianity reflects traditional gender roles in the Korean religious landscape. Since the establishment of the Chosŏn dynasty, shamanism and Buddhism were relegated to the private female sphere of the household and pushed out of public life. Despite persecution, both traditions persisted privately, largely practiced by women fulfilling customary spiritual duties. This pattern continues in Korean Christianity, where women’s religious roles center on practices for family success and health.

This traditional female engagement with spiritual entities has shaped, whether consciously or unconsciously, Korean evangelicals’ understanding and sensitivity toward spiritual beings. Among Korean evangelicals, the concept of spiritual warfare is not merely abstract but representative of the tangible interference of evil spirits in their daily lives. This awareness of these evil spirits is supplemented by the contemporary revival of shamanism.

One example of this spiritual sensitivity is found in revival meetings called simnyŏng puhŭnghoe. Since the 1970s, these gatherings have emphasized healing practices reminiscent of traditional shamanistic rituals, as noted by James Huntley Grayson in Korea: A Religious History. The healing prayer, where revivalists known as puhŭngsa lay hands on believers, demonstrates a clear connection to shamanism’s strong tradition of therapeutic rituals. In addition, there is a prevalent belief that the spiritual authority of the person performing such a prayer can lead to more powerful divine responses.

An extension of this practice can be found in a hall of prayer, or kidowŏn. Some churches have built large prayer facilities on mountains, which are traditionally recognized by shamans as a spiritually rich environment. Shamans often bring their clients to the mountains to perform rituals there, because this location is viewed as more efficacious than the shaman’s own shrine. This also influenced the development of san’gido (mountain prayer) culture among Korean Christians, which involves praying outdoors or praying while holding onto trees as a sign of strong devotion to God.

Korean shamanism fundamentally conflicts with Christian theology, particularly as articulated in Deuteronomy 18:9–18, which explicitly warns against mediums, spiritists, and those who consult the dead. These practices are central to the role of Korean shamans, who, as spirit mediums, communicate with the dead and resolve spiritual issues by invoking the power of strong deities. 

While shamanism has helped to grow an awareness of spiritual beings in Korean society and has become trendy among young Koreans, it is ultimately opposed to God’s commands. Churches can address the allure of shamanism in their congregations by showing young people who Jesus is and what he has done. Most churches talk about Jesus as God, but they do not emphasize his humanity as much. Some Korean YouTubers, who may not identify as Christian, are sharing more about Jesus’ actions on earth, like pursuing justice and helping the poor. One animated video published in September about Jesus’ compassion and forgiveness has racked up more than a million views.

Yohong Roh is an instructor of religious studies at Louisiana State University. Read more in our series’ lead article, Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural.

Church Life

Shamanism in Taiwan

In a land teeming with ghosts, is there room for the Holy Spirit to work?

Shaman in South Korea ringing a bell and burning a fire
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

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Shamanism in Taiwan is thriving because folk religion is thriving. Folk religion is not just a religion in Taiwan; it is part of an accepted worldview. Participating in shamanistic rituals is quite popular in both rural areas and urban centers.

I grew up in downtown Taipei and visited temples several times a week before I became a Christian. I never sought physical healing or experienced possession, but I watched my cousins and friends experience these things.

For example, long lines are normal at Xingtian Temple, located near the heart of Taipei. On one visit four years ago, I saw 50 to 100 people lining up to receive healing, a blessing, or some other ritual from two shamans. A young adult who looked to be around 20 years old appeared to be having a demon driven out by a female shaman. He shook profusely as she chanted. Most of the chant sounded like gibberish to me, but there were a few other shamans reciting what looked like Laozi’s Daodejing behind them.

Seeing a shaman is generally accepted in Taiwan because it is done out of practicality. If a person is believed to be tormented by a ghost, shamanistic rituals are seen as the fastest and most common way to get rid of it. In a land that accepts ghosts, spirits, and demons as part of normal living, shamanism is also a regular part of life. It’s not strange for someone to say that they went to a shaman to deal with an unwelcome spirit.

Taiwanese people who seek help from a shaman are not morally depraved. Neither are they desperate people who are willing to go to any lengths to attain something. Their attitude toward shamanism is no different than someone choosing a hammer from Home Depot: “The hammer works, it’s a reputable store, and it offers a fair price, so it’s good enough for me.”

Many shamanistic practices in Taiwan enlist the help of demons in the spirit world. In this sense, I highly discourage any participation in such rituals. Yet when we ignore shamanism’s real presence and strong impact in Taiwan, we risk losing both Christians and non-Christians. This is because shamanism answers daily concerns that the church does not address, particularly in the “middle realm” of ghosts, spirits, and dead ancestors according to American missiologist Paul Hiebert.

Taiwanese Christians can promote James 5 healing specifically as an alternative to shamanistic rituals for both healing and spirit possession. As Scripture says, “Is anyone among you sick? Let them call the elders of the church to pray over them and anoint them with oil in the name of the Lord. And the prayer offered in faith will make the sick person well; the Lord will raise them up. If they have sinned, they will be forgiven” (James 5:14–15).

In Taipei, a large and growing Christian community is Bread of Life Christian Church. The Pentecostal congregation regularly holds prayer and healing services. When people are healed in those church services, it is celebrated and adds to God’s renown, as he is seen to work efficaciously through these church ministers.

When Taiwanese people believe they are possessed by ghosts, they now have an alternative to the shamans at Xingtian Temple. They can visit Christian ministers, who can cast out ghosts or bring healing just as effectively. To the average Taiwanese person, it doesn’t matter whether the ritual is done in the name of Jesus or the name of Holy Emperor Guan; the most important thing is that it works.

Shamanistic ideas or practices have shaped the contours of Taiwanese theology in evangelical circles and beyond. When shamans down the street are driving out ghosts and speaking to spirits, churches are compelled to develop a richer angelology and demonology that could answer questions about these entities. Likewise, when people turn to folk-religion rituals for physical and spiritual healing, churches theologize more fully on what healing looks like in a Christian context.

Tony Chuang is the author of Religiosity and Gospel Transmission: Insights from Folk Religion in Taipei. Read more in our series’ lead article, Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural.

Church Life

Shamanism in Thailand

When guardian spirits disrupt river baptisms, how can believers respond?

Shaman in Thailand with a sword
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

In this series

Shamanism in Thailand has roots in ancient animism, predating Buddhism and Hinduism. Animism involves belief in supernatural beings and forces that influence lives and the natural order. In this context, shamanism centers on interactions with spirits to affect people’s well-being.

Today, shamanism exists within Thailand’s unique blend of Buddhism, Hinduism, and animistic traditions. Buddhist monks and Hindu priests can interact with spirits but do not invite possession. Shamans, by contrast, actively participate in possession, making their role distinct in Thai spirituality.

Thai society respects shamans, known as mo phi, because their work addresses life’s practical and spiritual concerns. They are valued community figures and respected spiritual guides who influence spirits to prevent harm and promote health, prosperity, and peace.

These practices endure in modern Thailand because they fulfill deep-rooted needs for health, safety, prosperity, and well-being. By addressing challenges that modern medicine cannot resolve, shamanism remains relevant. Such practices are especially prevalent in rural areas where rituals are held to influence spirits, meeting community needs and maintaining the role of shamanism in daily life.

Shamanism’s influence has an interesting overlap with the growth of Christianity in Thailand, especially within Pentecostal and Charismatic movements. These Christian groups address needs like health and security, which align with shamanistic goals. By offering assurance and a sense of peace through prayer and healing, these movements resonate with Thai cultural values. The shared focus on meeting practical life needs has allowed Christianity to attract individuals who are practicing shamanism or who might otherwise turn to shamanism.

Shamanistic beliefs have also subtly shaped Thai evangelical theology, particularly in the understanding of God and healing. Shamanism preserves the idea of a relational supernatural being, making the Christian concept of a personal, approachable God accessible to Thai Christians. Furthermore, the emphasis on healing within shamanistic practices aligns with Thai Christians’ belief in divine restoration for health and well-being, enhancing the appeal of Christian healing ministries.

The Thai church formally rejects spirit-based practices, like tying thread around one’s wrist to bring a wandering soul back to one’s body, but recognizes the spiritual orientation in Thai culture. Consequently, Pentecostal and charismatic churches emphasize experiences like healing and exorcism, aligning with the cultural expectations of Thai Christians. Although these practices aren’t directly influenced by shamanism, they reflect an awareness of the spiritual framework of Thai society, making the church’s message accessible and relevant.

Thai people like using symbols to denote their beliefs, and this can also be helpful in evangelism. While most churches in Thailand refrain from using candles due to their association with shamanistic rituals, lighting candles during a funeral can symbolize the light of God and provide Thais with a more concrete understanding of the gospel.

In my ministry, I’ve encountered the challenges of engaging with shamanistic practices. In one experience, a woman named Noi faced serious consequences for converting to Christianity. Her family, adherents of the Tiet spirit, blamed her faith for sicknesses in the family and pressured her to perform rituals to appease the spirit. She was later expelled from the clan.

In another case, during a baptism by the Mekong River, a shaman claimed that the guardian spirit of the area planned to take the believer’s life at the baptism site as punishment for becoming a Christian. However, a snake appeared at the site and chased the believers away to another location. Later, a villager drowned at the first baptism site. The shaman attributed this tragedy to the guardian spirit’s anger over the baptized believer’s acceptance of Christ.

These incidents underscore the need for deep discipleship for Thai Christians, who often face spiritual and social pressures. Bible passages like Deuteronomy 18:9–13, where God forbids occult practices, and Ephesians 6:10–20, which talks about putting on the full armor of God, discourage shamanistic rituals and advise reliance solely on God for guidance and protection. For Thai believers, these verses reinforce that security is found in God, helping them navigate a context rich in spirit-based traditions.

Chansamone Saiyasak is the president of Mekong Evangelical Mission. Read more in our series’ lead article, Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural.

Church Life

Shamanism in Vietnam

Folk religion has shaped believers’ perceptions of God as a genie in a lamp.

Shaman in Vietnam holding candles
Christianity Today December 6, 2024
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

In this series

I grew up in a Christian family in Da Nang, Vietnam, and was not exposed to shamanistic practices. But my Hmong students have experienced this. One student shared that her father, a new believer, once fell ill and sought a shaman for help.

The shaman talked to a spirit that only he could see. He told her father that three evil spirits were possessing his body and that he could only be freed if he offered three boiled animals—a chicken, pig, and cow—to that spirit. Her father did so and recovered in a few days. Later, my student asked me, “Did the power of God or that of the shaman heal my father?”

Shamanism in Vietnam is rooted in the worship of nature and the spirit world. The origin of shamanism in the country is not documented. Scholars assume that it arose from Daoism (Taoism) over the course of thousands of years and then became part of folk beliefs.

Today, shamanism is most commonly practiced in worshiping the Mother Goddess (Mẫu), an agricultural folk religion that imbues natural elements with divine power, such as protection from disasters. During the lên đồng ritual, a female medium dressed in bright clothing, or a male shaman who puts on makeup and wears women’s clothes, is often possessed by a spirit and performs sacred dances. The worship ceremony is occasionally conducted in the Mẫu temple for a group of 20 to 40 people, providing a space for devotees to connect with the spirit and pray for protection and good fortune.

Other forms of shamanism also vary among ethnic minorities, like the Sán Dìu in Quảng Ninh province or the Lô Lô in Cao Bằng province, where a shaman is a powerful person in the village who performs ritual acts to heal the sick, rebuke evil spirits, and assure protection.

In 2016, UNESCO recognized worship of the Mother Goddess as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Vietnam’s government has taken some measures to promote this religion, as it is perceived as an important part of Vietnamese folk culture because it involves a combination of music, dance, art, and history telling. It helps to maintain and transfer traditional values, such as cultural integration and living in harmony, ​​from generation to generation.

Vietnamese people continue to hold to a shamanistic ideology. They believe in a spirit world that simultaneously exists with the real world. To connect with and discover the unknown, people believe they need a shaman. Their gods and ancestors can help them solve difficult problems and protect them from negative forces, such as evil spirits and restless souls.

This can be helpful in evangelism, as the exorcisms that evangelicals, especially Pentecostals, perform in Vietnam are often perceived as shamanistic acts by people who go to pastors to seek special healing or deliverance from demons.

However, the way that believers conceptualize their theology may also reflect their folk beliefs. For example, some Christians have an idea of God as an omnipresent and omniscient judge. They also may view God as a genie in a lamp who will grant people what they want, and they may get frustrated if that does not happen.

To some extent, church has become a place where people ask for healing, wealth, and luck. While Christians don’t participate in worshiping the Mother Goddess, as it is considered idolatrous, they often favor listening to powerful preachers who possess the gift of healing.

The idea of inner healing has also become popular recently, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic. Young people, including believers, are increasingly interested in mindfulness therapy, soul care, and yoga as a means of dealing with depression, anxiety, and other stressors—similar to shamanism’s emphasis on connecting with nature. 

These practices are neutral exercises for mental and physical health if they are not attached to worshiping a particular divine entity or forging a connection with a spirit. Christians, however, should know that God is their only source of healing. Church leaders and pastors can generate more dialogue and discussion on biblical perspectives of healing and examine these practices in light of the Bible.

Vietnamese Christians can also relate to the story of Saul asking a medium to call Samuel’s spirit from the dead in 1 Samuel 28. In Vietnamese culture, such summoning rituals often occur during the New Year or on death anniversaries as people seek to discern what their family member’s last will or unfinished wishes are. Some pastors explain that God allowed the conversation between Saul and Samuel to happen because they speak directly to each other, not through a medium.

Saralen Tran is a Christian education lecturer at Hanoi Bible College. Read more in our series’ lead article, Shamans, Sorcerers, and Spirits: How Christians in Asia Grapple with the Supernatural.

News

Supreme Court Considers State Bans of Transgender Procedures for Minors

The justices seemed skeptical of arguments that bans preventing transition represent sex discrimination.

Supreme Court with an American flag and Transgender flag in front of it
Christianity Today December 5, 2024
Kevin Dietsch / Getty

In its first major case on transgender issues, the US Supreme Court seems poised to uphold state restrictions on medical transition for youth.

Dozens of protestors gathered on the steps of the court Wednesday as justices heard arguments in United States v. Skrmetti, a dispute over a Tennessee state law that bans minors from receiving medical treatment to facilitate transitioning, primarily certain puberty blockers and hormones. (The law also bars surgery, but that aspect is not in consideration before the court.)

Those in favor of the ban—and similar laws in 26 states—held signs with slogans like “Do No Harm” and “Kids’ Health Matters.”

Among them were evangelical organizations, including staff from the Southern Baptist Convention’s Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission (ERLC), which ranked opposing gender transition surgeries and other medical procedures on minors as one of its top policy focuses of 2024.

“It was inevitable that [the Supreme Court] was going to take a case like this, because of the prominence of the issue,” David French, a New York Times columnist and former attorney who worked on religious-freedom issues, told Christianity Today. “There are times when the court weighs in simply when the issue is important enough for the court to decide.”

After the law—Tennessee’s Senate Bill 1—was signed in March, the American Civil Liberties Union of Tennessee and other organizations sued the state  on behalf of three families to block the ban. They have argued that the law is unconstitutional and discriminates on the basis of sex, while the state countered that it regulates medical treatment for all minors and that the dividing line is based on age and usage, not sex. 

In the spring, a federal judge blocked part of the law in district court, and then the decision was reversed on appeal. In June, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case.

During oral arguments Wednesday, the high court’s 6–3 conservative majority at times sounded reluctant to wade into the arena, raising the possibility that they will take a more hands-off approach in their verdict that may allow the state’s position to stand. Conservative justices questioned whether there is enough conclusive medical research on the long-term impacts of such treatments. 

Christians concerned about gender transition of minors expressed concerns to the Supreme Court both about the theological implications of rejecting a person’s biological sex and about the health risks that the medical treatments carry.  

The case “implicates fundamental truths that Southern Baptists hold dear,” wrote the ERLC in an amicus brief filed along with the Tennessee Baptist Mission Board, which represents over 3,000 churches. 

They told the Supreme Court that they “have an interest in ensuring that governments protect children’s developing healthy bodies, including by prohibiting medical procedures that refashion healthy bodies based on the children’s perceived or desired gender.”

Echoing some of the justices, the Southern Baptists argued that not enough is known about “the actual long-term effects of ‘pausing’ puberty” to conclude that such interventions are safe.

Chief Justice John Roberts, a George W. Bush appointee, referenced an independent review from the United Kingdom that found insufficient evidence around the efficacy of transitioning treatments for minors, which caused England’s National Health Service to stop prescribing youth puberty blockers or certain hormone treatments until a certain age is reached.

“If it’s evolving like that and changing, and England’s pulling back, and Sweden’s pulling back, it strikes me as a pretty heavy yellow light, if not red light, for this court,” Justice Brett Kavanaugh, a Trump appointee, said. He also asked whether such questions are better decided by the legislative rather than the judicial branch.

Roberts agreed: “My understanding is that the Constitution leaves that question to the people’s representatives rather than to nine people, none of whom is a doctor.”

US Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar suggested the court doesn’t need to overturn the law, and it could send the case back to the lower courts for further scrutiny over Tennessee’s justification for the ban. She argued lawmakers singled out certain groups of children unlawfully in violation of equal-protection claims by drawing “sex-based lines.”

Prelogar also said ruling for the plaintiffs would not necessarily mean all state laws would be struck down: She brought up how treatments in the UK and Sweden are restricted but not banned outright and how other states have restrictions that still allow hormones and puberty blockers—West Virginia requires two doctors to diagnose a patient with gender dysphoria if the patient is under 18.

Meanwhile, the court’s liberal minority compared the state bans on treatment for youth to past laws that discriminated based on race or gender. 

Justice Sonia Sotomayor, an Obama appointee, argued that “every medical treatment has risks” and was skeptical of Tennessee Solicitor General Matthew Rice’s arguments that the case did not represent sex discrimination. “It is a dodge to say, this is not based on sex, it’s based on a medical purpose, when the medical purpose is utterly and entirely about sex,” she said. 

While this case is the first to reach the high court, similar controversies are bubbling up in other states, with different legislatures taking sharply different approaches to the issue. 

The 8th US Circuit Court of Appeals blocked a similar state ban going into effect in Arkansas. But the 6th and 11th circuits upheld similar state laws in Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama, and Florida. At least 17 states have passed “shield” or “refuge” laws or have executive orders focused on protecting medical providers or families seeking access to these treatments.

The Williams Institute of the UCLA School of Law estimates that around 1.6 million adults identify as transgender. Among youth ages 13 to 17, around 300,000 identify as transgender.

The Christian Medical and Dental Associations opposes any interventions intended as sex reassignment, including hormones for children or adolescents. 

French said he expects the court to rule in favor of the ban since states have long asserted a “zone of protection over children,” restricting certain risky or harmful activities even if parents approve, such as laws regulating getting tattoos or piercings and age-of-consent laws. 

“I don’t think it is all that predictable how the court will come out here, although I do expect them to uphold the Tennessee law,” he said. 

On the chance that the Supreme Court rules against Tennessee’s ban, similar bans in other states could be overturned by lawsuits or declared unconstitutional. 

A ruling in favor of the state may mean a more federalist posture, allowing states to adopt differing levels of restrictions around transgender youth, similar to the country’s patchwork of abortion laws. The families argue that an adverse ruling would “effectively immunize all forms of government discrimination against transgender people from meaningful constitutional scrutiny.”

One thing that will change before a decision is reached is the position of the federal government on the case. The incoming Trump administration is expected to side with the state’s view that the bans are constitutional. The switch may mean some legal shuffling for the Supreme Court but is not expected to impact the justices’ ruling.

A decision is expected by late June or early July 2025.

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