Art for All of Us?

Greek tragedy and war veterans.

I need to start this review with two disclosures. First, I'm a competitor of Bryan Doerries, as I have my own translations of Greek tragedies (though not any of the four that Doerries translates in All That You've Seen Here Is God) coming out any month now. Secondly, even if I were differently positioned as a fellow translator of ancient literature (say, if I had worked only on epic), I'd still be unqualified to review—not these books themselves, but what actually needs reviewing, the whole Theater of War project, the heart of which is performances for the benefit of veterans (though the project has spun off performances for other troubled groups, and even a Book of Job for disaster victims). My career is very different: it's about desk-bound translation, and its main premise is the creepy relationships I develop in my head with the original authors—my parents having neglected to explain to me the difference between love and stalking.

All That You've Seen Here Is God: New Versions of Four Greek Tragedies Sophocles' Ajax, Philoctetes, Women of Trachis; Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound
The Theater of War: What Ancient Greek Tragedies Can Teach Us Today

But I'm going ahead with my assessment because, after hassling the editor of this journal with doubts and grousing, and the author of the books under review with demands for an interview and an opportunity to see a live performance, I watched some video and had to conclude that it largely speaks for itself. If I'm going to claim that my cause is translation reform, I must offer Doerries congratulations and encouragement for his fine contribution to that cause.

Doerries, with his own loose, clear, and succinct translations, and with readings by superb actors, has re-created several essentials of Greek tragedy for our time. Paul Giamatti—perhaps most familiar as John Adams in the television miniseries of that name—is to my mind the greatest living dramatic Everyman. He is flawless as Sophocles' Philoctetes, the warrior the Greeks carelessly abandon on the way to Troy because of his infected snakebite but cynically try to retrieve nine years later in order to exploit his magic bow for the city's defeat. As his wound spasms, he shrieks, spittle gathering on his lips, describes the agony, begs for help. But it can't of course be a naturalistic speech, the imitation of a scene at a trauma ward: it's controlled, perfectly timed, a work of art.

Doerries, for his part, is plainly a born director. In Theater of War, he describes his first translation production, of Euripides' Bacchants at Kenyon College as an undergraduate: his use of a low-riding Buick Skylark as a machina to bring on the wine god Dionysus and his band of ecstatic followers, "bouncing in the back seat to the bump and thrum of low bass tones"; and his retrieval of the production from disaster after his Dionysus got stoned and locked his keys in the car.

As a translator, Doerries has overcome some of the signature conundrums of moving 5th-century BC Athenian poetry into modern English. The interjections are particular knotty: there are different ones for different moods and situations, and there are no authentic equivalents now but expletives—obviously wrong for the genre and offensive to a large part of the audience. But the archaic exclamations "Woe is me!" and "Golly!" and so on just sound dopey to us—they are among hidebound elements Doerries rightly deplores, recalling his first participation in tragedy, as a child playing one of Medea's children, with his BVDs showing uproariously under a short tunic at one point. He now credibly uses inarticulate cries and moans for many interjections, and Giamatti and other performers handle them with grisly impressiveness.

The translations are quite free, which is necessary for stageability. But it's debatable how far beyond mere clarity it's right for a translator to go. The use of anachronisms tends to be a good test case. Are there enough to smooth the story along intelligibly for a modern audience, preventing the distraction of either confusion or pedantic exegesis? I've witnessed Greek drama almost literally footnoted on stage, and it was annoying.

But do the anachronisms themselves stick out and distract? In Doerries they sometimes do and sometimes don't. "Shell-shocked" in the Ajax translation is passable (if rather tendentious—see below), as in common usage it's no longer a medical term but just describes a state of mind. But "body bags" in the same play—no way; those are objects that didn't exist, and they represent a whole regimen of death that didn't either.

Still, bobbles like this aren't ruinous, as Doerries has managed the whole administrative and fundraising and directing business to bring about truly professional productions, even though they're mere seated readings. Giamatti can make the word "wretched," as a purportedly spontaneous expression of physical agony, sound natural. Nearly all of Doerries' other casting is both ambitious and spot-on, and his taste and sensitivity as a director is palpable.

This artistic achievement doesn't, however, compel an endorsement of the books on my part, or of the performances as therapy—which is how they are billed. The books are, on their own, fairly ordinary (a set of pretty good translations and a volume of autobiography and puffery), and as for the help that suffering and isolated people may find in Doerries' plays for "healing" from their experiences, the therapeutic environment itself, invoking strictures of "privacy" and "safe space," doesn't allow any kind of inquiry.

Dr. Jonathan Shay, the celebrated author of Achilles in Vietnam (Scribner, 1994), has theorized that this sort of storytelling is a kind of medical care for veterans, and he adduces ancient Greek tragedy as having functioned this way. Alas, not only does Shay thoroughly misunderstand ancient history, ancient society, and the ancient mind; but from my own long observation of fashionable efforts to deal with traumatic memories in post-apartheid South Africa, I have to say that the storytelling-as-therapy premise has got nothing better to recommend it than its convenience. Its essence is, "We can discharge our debts to people damaged for our sake by chatting with them." It isn't true.

Doerries, of course, has done far more than chat: he offers an uncannily well-adapted, gripping art form, which doesn't need any extraneous rationale. For the benefit of veterans themselves, he should offer this art form more broadly.

The mere inherent appeal of the original Athenian productions would have cheered and comforted veterans to the extent storytelling could. The plays were part of traditional religious and patriotic festivals that soldiers, soldiers-to-be, and former solders regularly enjoyed as part of their unquestioned stake in the polity. Their attendance wouldn't have been nearly as valued had it not been abundantly shared. Resident aliens in Athens (a large commercial class) weren't excluded. A leading authority on the Athenian dramatic festivals, Jeffrey Henderson (disclosure: a former teacher of mine), believes that women also attended. Children's presence is attested. Foreigners crowded the City Dionysia, the bigger, glitzier celebration, which took place during the sailing season. Athenian citizen-soldiers in the audience were very probably outnumbered, contrary to Doerries' depiction of them as the majority.

The proposal that, in the circumstances we know about, the content of tragedy was a necessary reminder that an individual veteran was "not alone" is malarkey. Moreover, most of the content—of the actual tragedies, as well as of the comedies and satyr plays, presented on the same days as the tragedies—ignored war trauma, and could even treat it disrespectfully.

Alcestis, in the tragedy of that name, dies in her husband's place so that he can avoid a curse. Aristophanes' comedy Acharnians culminates with the antiwar protagonist triumphing in a boozy, lecherous feast, the ministrations of his floozies paralleling the kinds of help screamed for by his nemesis, a wounded buffoon-patriot soldier who is on the stage along with him. Because drama wasn't a sop to traumatized soldiers, because it was about the national and universal concerns that enfolded citizen soldiers too, it would have worked against any alienation they were enduring.

For many reasons unrelated to the festivals themselves, it's not likely they were enduring much alienation. Citizens trained together for warfare from boyhood. Hoplites fought in an interlocked line that held or broke as a unit. Rowers of the triremes shared small benches and prevailed, escaped, or came to grief along with their ships. The inefficiency of ancient weaponry seems to have kept casualties relatively low, and primitive medical conditions assured a low number of long-term recoveries and disabilities: wounded, you likely bled out on the spot or died (unlike Philoctetes) rather promptly of shock, organ failure, or sepsis.

PTSD or "moral injury" doesn't appear to be attested in the ancient world, even in myth; Ajax (Doerries' first presentation to veterans, along with Philoctetes) is a play about a warrior gone insane and falling on his sword not from battle stress but from the dishonor of being deprived of the prize armaments he has earned through his prowess. In personal terms, this wouldn't have been all that painful for Athenian citizen-soldiers to watch—and it might actually have left them smug. In their democratic Classical period, they could contrast their lot with Ajax's Homeric-era doom among viciously competing chieftains only nominally belonging to the same army (much as they could contrast their own rapidly revolving and deferent leadership with the arrogant, destructive kings in tragedy).

Fighters no longer had to maneuver frantically for individual advantage, take all the responsibility for their dependents, and go to pieces if they had a really bad day, because in their new egalitarian military structures they were bound to support each other's honor and security. The state would even dower war-orphan girls (in the Homeric and tragic stories, they become sex slaves, like Ajax's captive Tecmessa) whose means to marry were inadequate; this kind of provision must have removed a great deal of anxiety even from death in battle.

Hence, it was not any therapeutic effect of tragedy that would have made the idea of veteran suicides a head-scratcher for the Athenians. What a humiliating contrast with our military dispensations. I wouldn't throw up my hands in wide-eyed and dainty surprise to learn that the age of high demand for volunteer soldiers to serve in crushing conditions, the age of serial overseas deployments even from the National Guard, tracks the recent wage stagnation and generally deplorable treatment of low-skilled and entry-level workers: all this is so helpful to the "economic draft." The people on high cooperating in keeping the pressure on wouldn't, after all, imagine it ever impinging on their own children.

I have to acknowledge, in sympathy with Doerries, that his unpersuasive explanation of and limited purposes for his project are of a piece with the narrow and utilitarian way we handle high culture in this country. He clearly feels he needs to show what practical work his artistic work can do, whom it can fix, what national problem it can clean up. And he's no doubt right; without the special pleading, he wouldn't get the resources necessary for what he's achieved—he would have sat and dreamed of Paul Giamatti as Philoctetes.

But not only does his set-up keep really glorious adaptations away from the mainstream; it seems apt to deprive the tragedies of the most plausible benefit they could have for the traumatized, which is the benefit of universally shared beauty and meaning. We already ghettoize veterans, not to mention the dehumanizing of and profiteering from prisoners and the terminally ill. "Here's a piece of art designed just for you in your pitiable state" seems at best a pretty condescending prescription, like the notorious hundred-dollar laptop for Africans, which the Kenyan writer Binyavanga Wainaina describes as "a product that communicates to its intended owner: you are @@@@ed." Art, like IT, needs particularly to communicate between those who suffer more and those who suffer less. I don't think Doerries' tragedy productions would have any trouble doing that, and now that they're fully realized, I hope they will.

I have in mind a trip to the cinema with my father, a veteran of the mountain artillery in Korea. His knee had been shattered by a rebounding cannon; never replaced, the joint hurt like the dickens (his teeth were fantastically worn from grinding) and curtailed his exercise, harming his overall health. From the months of relentless artillery noise, he had a hearing loss that hampered his teaching, and in fact all of his relationships, for the rest of his life.

He once crossed a stream on top of enemy corpses. He watched two MPs order a Korean morphine smuggler to kneel down before they summarily shot him in the head. My father toughed it out and was promoted and decorated on the battlefield.

The Veterans' Administration treated him shamefully for years on end, driving him into a depressive panic that he would never be able to confirm his entitlement to medical benefits, so that he could secure the family home for my mother no matter what happened to his health. He hid the agonizing symptoms of cancer for more than a year and died, cheaply, before it was diagnosed.

He was, on all the evidence, a deeply traumatized, badly neglected veteran. But he came out of Braveheart with me quite cheerful and chatty—he'd really enjoyed the film, although the poor protagonist is captured and disemboweled at the end. If my father had been urged to see the film for his emotional betterment, and had expected to be debriefed afterwards, I'm positive he wouldn't have gone.

And he wouldn't have gone with an organized group of other veterans either. He wanted to see the film with me, a Quaker with no liking for war and no experience of it. The film didn't, of course, specifically parallel his experiences, and it was probably better that the setting was so remote, the story so romanticized; he loathed M.A.S.H. and its empathetic, protesting depiction of Korean War service. And I didn't have to say I understood; I just had to watch Braveheart along with him.

Sarah Ruden is a visiting scholar in classics at Brown University. She recently finished translating the Oresteia of Aeschylus for the Modern Library series with funding from the Guggenheim Foundation. The Harp, the Voice, the Book: A Translator on the Beauty and Meaning of the Bible is forthcoming from Knopf.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

Toward a Native Theology

The legacy of Richard Twiss.

Richard sat around the large powwow drum with Terry and Matt LeBlanc, Randy Woodley, and Ray Aldred as the late sun of a summer afternoon streamed in through the stained-glass images of Wesley, Luther, and Jesus in Gary United Methodist Church. The squared sanctuary, with its dark wood and large pipe organ, resonated with loud synchronized beats of the powwow drum mingled with singing in another tongue. At the transition of each round in the song, thunderous honor beats rang out as worship was offered to the Creator. The space and our hearts reverberated with the heartbeat of the drum, which had been lovingly carried by four Natives through the streets from Wheaton College.

Rescuing the Gospel from the Cowboys: A Native American Expression of the Jesus Way

Richard Twiss, whose heritage was Sicangu Lakota from the Rosebud Reservation in South Dakota, had come to Wheaton to participate in the annual symposium of the North American Institute for Indigenous Theological Studies (NAIITS-An Indigenous Learning Community). Opening ceremonies were held on the quad of the college, with Vincent Yellow Old Woman overseeing the protocol. The symposium closed with a fire ceremony on the same ground, once Potawatomi land. The ceremony began with smudging. Each person in the circle drew the fragrant smoke of sage up over their head, around their body, and down to their feet in an act of spiritual cleansing. Prayers were offered to Creator as Natives and non-Natives renewed their commitment to walk in the Jesus way.

Richard had read a paper at the symposium entitled "Rescuing Theology from the Cowboys: An Emerging Indigenous Expression of the Jesus Way in North America," the title of the dissertation which earned him a DMiss at Asbury Seminary. The essay, subsequently published in the NAIITS journal,[1] does not reflect the pathos of Richard's oral presentation. He seemed weary and spoke of longing to be with his people. He was true to his name, Taoyate Obnajin, which translated means "He Stands with His People." A few months hence he "walked on" after suffering a massive heart attack at the National Prayer Breakfast.

Rescuing the Gospel from the Cowboys: A Native American Expression of the Jesus Way is a revision of Twiss's doctoral dissertation, edited and published posthumously. The book is an impassioned and sometimes jarring appeal for the development of a truly Indigenous approach to theology, worship, and praxis. Expressing deep concern about the small percentage of Native Americans who are Christian and the way most Native church services are nearly identical to their white counterparts, Twiss argues that contextualized Native Christian theology and worship are necessary for the Jesus way to flourish among Indigenous peoples.

Twiss' plea may come as a surprise to anyone aware of the indigenization of theology and worship in the Majority World. African Christian worship includes dance and drum without raising a single missionary eyebrow. But contextualized theology and worship among Native North Americans are often viewed with suspicion and met with resistance. When NAIITS was invited to Wheaton College in 2012, the first question raised was, "What about syncretism?" Before members of the group returned in 2015 someone asked, "What are their views on Chalcedon?"

The unending critiques and doubts about indigenous theology and worship wearied Richard. Rescuing the Gospel from the Cowboys is an attempt to move the discussion further down the road. It explains the reasons behind the suppression of a contextualized expression of the gospel among Native North Americans, presents an argument for critical contextualization, and provides a chronicle of people and events that are moving the contextualization agenda forward. This narrative theology does not read like a text on systematics.

Twiss traces the relationship between Christianity and the colonization of North America. Colonization was driven in part by papal bulls which authorized the subjugation of non-Christian peoples and the taking of their lands. Twiss also explores how Henry VII charged John Cabot "to seek out and discover all … Provinces whatsoever that may belong to heathens and infidels" and to "occupy, and possess these territories." James I called upon British colonists to "propagate Christian Religion to those [who] as yet live in Darkness and miserable Ignorance of the true Knowledge and Worship of God, and [to] bring the Infidels and Savages, living in those Parts, to human civility, and to a settled and quiet Government."

Themes from this doctrine of discovery were molded into the national myth of Manifest Destiny. Twiss quotes John O'Sullivan, who, in 1845, said that the legal title to Oregon "is by the right of our manifest destiny to over spread and possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us." The continent was a New Canaan, and those who lived there were as the Canaanites, who could be either conquered or "civilized" according to European values, including Christianity. As Twiss says, "Manifest Destiny, Scripture and Christian mission merged together and were perceived as one and the same for those entrenched in the European Enlightenment."

The boarding school movement was another instrument of "civilization." Native children were taken from their families to places like Carlisle Indian Industrial School, where their hair was cut, their clothes exchanged, their language forbidden, and their traditional life-ways suppressed in favor of Christian instruction. The gospel as thus transmitted was not good news for Indigenous people. It separated them from their land and life, their cultures and communities, and from themselves.

Twiss's book must be read within this historical context. He does not merely recount past events but describes a near and present history. Unfortunately, even now, the brutality of colonization in North America is not fully acknowledged in the United States.[2] The lack of adequate national and ecclesial reflection on the history and enduring effects of colonization on Native North Americans underscores the urgency of reading and understanding "the Christian problem" for Indigenous peoples.

Unsurprisingly, Indigenous expressions of the Christian faith have been difficult to come by. Many non-Native and Native Christians alike have embraced the notion that anything traditional needs to be forsaken and suppressed when one becomes a Christian. Twiss counters by arguing that critical contextualization is a necessary part of Christian proclamation and life. The gospel always comes clothed in culture, whether Jewish, Greco-Roman, or Indigenous. Twiss defines contextualization as "the attempt to communicate ideas across cultural differences in ways that make sense to a particular audience." He regards "critical contextualization" as an "ongoing process" which "allows us to trust the Holy Spirit to direct us in this erratic, courageous and faithful process of discovery." As an evangelical, Twiss affirms that "Christian faith must be firmly rooted in Scripture and the historical/living Christ," but also that "[f]rom this 'root', local Indigenous forms, structures and practices can be fearlessly considered an integral part of the process of making Christianity one's own—personally and collectively." Constructive Native theology must be developed.[3]

On the other side, Twiss and others in the Native contextualization movement recognize the need to argue vigorously that they are not replacing the core of Christian faith with another worldview. The lead article in the first volume of the NAIITS journal (Twiss was one of three authors collaborating on this piece) had differentiated contextualization from syncretism.[4] In the present volume Twiss sought to take some of the teeth out of the term by redefining syncretism as "the exploration of the synthesis of faith, belief and practice in a dynamic process of blending, adding, subtracting, changing, testing and working things out. This process does not take anything away from the authority of Scripture or orthodoxy." Here he describes this positive process as "ways of doing story." But Twiss contrasts this with "counteractive syncretism," ways of mixing "core religious beliefs that ultimately diminish, fully resist, or finally stop—counteract—one's personal faith journey as a follower of Jesus and his ways."

Stories of cultural suppression, of longing to be fully Native again as followers of the Jesus way, and of discovering that Christ can be present in the sweat lodge fill the book. The presence of so much story is a distinctive feature even in the original dissertation. Narrative plays a leading role in Indigenous communities. As a Native theologian Twiss recounts his struggle with fitting into the structures of the Western academic tradition. His perspectives here mirror those described by Linda Tuhiwai Smith, who wants to set a new research agenda "situated within the decolonization politics of the indigenous peoples movement. The agenda is focused strategically on the goal of self-determination of indigenous peoples."[5] Indigenous research is community-based, promoting collaboration and discussion. It does not pretend to be objective and neutral but is involved in the story. The researcher is embedded in a network of relationships where the ethics of humility and honor are supreme. Method, then, becomes a way to write back against colonial perspectives.

At the same time, Twiss and others in the contextualization movement recognize the need to engage the majority culture. The project calls for innovators who are able to be "150% men and women," as he says, those who can function in the two worlds of the colonized and the colonizer. But there is tension here. Such figures constantly juggle competing perspectives as they seek to be faithful to their people and faithful communicators in a wider context.

Twiss' own book reflects that struggle. The voice within the book is different from the voice in the dissertation. We expect that dissertations will transform as they move to publication, but the style of Rescuing the Gospel from the Cowboys changed from a Native mode of argumentation, which talks around issues, into a Western form of argumentation. Twiss's Lakota voice was "re-contextualized" for non-Native Americans. Richard approved the changes his editors, Ray and Sue Martell, suggested. But the result is the loss of an authentically Indigenous academic book upon its conversion into an accessible volume for non-Natives.

The loss of this authentic voice has been lamented within the NAIITS community. And we should all lament. This is not to say that Twiss's views have been lost in Rescuing the Gospel from the Cowboys. The concerns of the contextualization movement are truly present. But the choice was made, as it has been through our history, to let the majority culture set the agenda for the way the Native story is told.

Still, this is an important book for non-Natives. We can and must learn the Native story, as we did that day sitting between Luther and Wesley at Gary Church. But we need to walk further by going into Indigenous communities, waiting humbly to be welcomed into their circle and story. The way to learn and restore a shattered relationship is by deep listening as we sit among Richard's oyate, his people. And at that moment a realization will dawn on us: we all are deeply embedded in the story. As Richard said at the end of each address, Mitakuye Oyasin, "All my relatives." This is our common story, but we hardly recognize it.

1. Richard L. Twiss, "Rescuing Theology from the Cowboys: An Emerging Indigenous Expression of the Jesus Way in North America," Journal of the North American Institute for Indigenous Theological Studies, Vol. 10 (2012), pp. 5-44.

2. Canada is a few steps ahead of the United States in acknowledging, for example, the enduring effects of the boarding school movement on First Nations communities. See the findings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (www.trc.ca). See also David E. Stannard, American Holocaust: The Conquest of the New World (Oxford Univ. Press, 1992); Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States (Beacon, 2014).

3. Twiss references the work of Randy Woodley, Terry LeBlanc, Cheryl Bear, Casey Church, Ray Aldred, and Wendy Peterson (p. 221).

4. Adrian Jacobs, Richard Twiss, and Terry LeBlanc, "Culture, Christian Faith and Error," Journal of the North American Institute for Indigenous Theological Studies, Vol. 1 (2003), pp. 5-35

5. Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies. Research and Indigenous Peoples (London and New York: Zed Books; Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 1999), pp. 115-116.

Gene L. Green is professor of New Testament at Wheaton College and Graduate School.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

Asking the Right Questions

Jacques Ellul’s home Bible studies—and the light they shed on his work as a whole.

Jacques Ellul (1912-1994) was one of the most prolific, provocative, and controversial public intellectuals of the 20th century. As a professor at the University of Bordeaux, he authored dozens of books and almost one thousand articles. His best-known work, The Technological Society, was the crowning achievement of his studies in social theory. It was also his most lastingly influential book. Through it, Ellul became Godfrey Reggio's muse as Reggio composed his magisterial trilogy of Qatsi films—Koyaanisqatsi: Life out of Balance, Powaqqatsi: Life in Transformation, and Naqoyqatsi: Life as War—focused on the depredations of technology. All of the films, but Naqoyqatsi in particular, featured explosions of all sorts, as if life were not only out of balance but counting down to a detonation. At the same time, The Technological Society inspired a number of other explosions: Ted Kaczynski, otherwise known as the Unabomber, described Ellul's opus as his "bible."

On Freedom, Love, and Power

On Freedom, Love, and Power

272 pages

$31.82

On Being Rich and Poor: Christianity in a Time of Economic Globalization

On Being Rich and Poor: Christianity in a Time of Economic Globalization

University of Toronto Press

296 pages

$45.68

It should come as no surprise, given the range of reactions to Ellul's work, that while some of his contemporaries praised him as a prophet, others lambasted him as a lunatic. While social change has allowed us to see where or in what ways Ellul's prognostications, especially about technology, have been correct, interpreting and evaluating Ellul's larger contribution to social theory and theology remains difficult.

Many misunderstandings and misappropriations of Ellul stem from a failure to comprehend the breadth of his work. While chiefly known as an intellectual, Ellul was not the ivory tower sort; he was engaged in a wide range of work outside of the academy, spending portions of his adult life as an activist, farmer, pastor, and deputy mayor of Bordeaux. For his efforts to protect France's Jewish population during Nazi occupation, he was posthumously awarded the status, "Righteous Among the Nations" by Yad Vashem, Israel's Holocaust Martyrs and Heroes Remembrance Authority. Clearly, he was not exclusively preoccupied with the life of the mind. Likewise, in his academic work, Ellul was not exclusively a social theorist. Aside from Karl Marx, his greatest influence was Karl Barth; alongside social theory, Ellul wrote a number of biblical, ethical, and theological studies that must be read in order to understand his thought. The Ethics of Freedom, Hope in a Time of Abandonment, The Meaning of the City, The Politics of God & the Politics of Man, The Presence of the Kingdom, and Reason for Being, among others, shed light on the intentions and limits of Ellul's other work.

Along with these, two distinctive collections can help us understand better both Ellul's theological work and how the parts of his corpus fit together. On Freedom, Love, and Power consists of commentaries on Genesis 1-3, Job 32-42, the parables of the Kingdom of Heaven in the Gospel of Matthew, and the opening verses of the Gospel of John. On Being Rich and Poor: Christianity in a Time of Economic Globalization consists of Ellul's commentary on the book of Amos and the book of James. The contents of both books originated as Bible studies in Ellul's home and in a local church. The studies were recorded live by Frank Brugerolle and Willem Vanderburg, a principal interpreter of Ellul. Eventually, Vanderburg compiled, edited, and translated the studies for these two volumes.

Of course, home Bible studies—lacking the scope, systematicity, and scholarly apparatus of other works—cannot stand alone as an introduction to Ellul's thought. The books do not offer much in the way of elaborate argumentation. Indeed, as would be expected, some of Ellul's most daring and idiosyncratic arguments seem to have been made in passing, with little explanation or context offered. There is in some cases more assertion than argument. Take, for example, Ellul's peculiar suggestion about the imago dei after the fall: "there is simply nothing left of it."

Unlike many Bible studies, Ellul's often invoked other scholars, citing or quoting from such theological and philosophical luminaries as Karl Barth, Emanuel Levinas, Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche, Paul Ricoeur, and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Ellul must have been leading a very erudite small group, as he often cited these other scholars in a way that presumed his listeners' familiarity. In preparing these volumes, Vanderburg has added explanatory and bibliographic notes. Though these are a bit uneven across the two books, and much stronger in On Being Rich and Poor, they provide opportunities for further reading that might shed more light on Ellul's context and claims.

Both books are an important aid to understanding Ellul for four reasons. First, they show us Ellul the pastor and church leader, preoccupied with the presence of the layperson in the world. Ellul's other works, even his works of Christian theology, cannot convey what it was like for the layperson to study the Bible with Ellul. In the introduction to On Freedom, Love, and Power, Vanderburg paints the picture of a gathering around the dining room table at the Ellul home. Seated at the table were Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and agnostics, "in almost equal numbers." The tabletop was apparently covered with pages of Scripture in the original languages, as well as the most literal French translation that Ellul and his friends could offer.

This brings us to the second contribution of the books: They show us Ellul the theological interpreter of Scripture. Ellul embraced the influence of theology upon his reading of the Bible. While many others in Ellul's time were preoccupied with historical-critical readings, generally Ellul located the meaning of the text within the story of what God is doing in history and then by offering an unapologetically Christological interpretation.

Third, the books demonstrate the strength and consistency of some themes in Ellul's corpus. His studies of Amos and James bear some resemblance to the arguments in his book, Money and Power. In his studies of Genesis 1-3, he explores the relationship between necessity and freedom, the origins of technique in the fall and the curse (which a less than careful reader of The Technological Society would be likely to locate mistakenly in the Industrial Revolution), and an analogy between the city and technique. All of these concepts, themes, and motifs play major roles in Ellul's other work.

Fourth, and perhaps most important, the books display the preeminence of questions for Ellul. In his study of Job, Ellul emphasizes the priority of questions and problems over answers and solutions, decrying those who turn to the Bible as one might turn to the solutions at the back of a math textbook. While revelation provides responses to existential problems, it does so by first furnishing us with the right questions. For Ellul, these were questions about God's relationship to creation and about the freedom and personality of the human being. These questions, foregrounded in his theological work, are important background to his work in social theory. In his approach to interdisciplinary scholarship, Ellul would have agreed with Barth, who said, "The gospel is not a truth among other truths. Rather, it sets a question mark against all other truths." For Ellul, the truth of the gospel was a platform for interrogating the realities of social life.

Ellul's characteristic approach to the Bible—letting Scripture dictate the questions and not just the answers—explains some of the misunderstandings surrounding his work. A memorable scene in Umberto Eco's novel, Foucault's Pendulum, finds the protagonists categorizing people as fools, cretins, morons, or lunatics. For a lunatic, according to Eco's protagonists, "everything proves everything else"; lunatics take liberties with common sense, work by short circuits, and don't concern themselves with logic. Ellul, on the other hand, was a relentlessly logical contributor to discussions in social theory, but his starting point was revelation. His concerns about technique, political economy, and the city were all grounded in his questions about the freedom and personality of the human being, whose ruptured relationship with God and others will one day be fully restored by divine initiative. So even his close examinations of social problems were not always plainly written on the terms of contemporary social theory.

By the standards of Eco's protagonists, Ellul was closer to a fool than to a lunatic:

"Being a fool is … complicated. It's a form of social behavior. A fool is one who always talks outside his glass."

"What do you mean?"

"Like this." He pointed at the counter near his glass. "He wants to talk about what's in the glass, but somehow or other he misses … . Fools don't claim that cats bark, but they talk about cats when everyone else is talking about dogs. They offend all the rules of conversation."

By starting with Scripture, even as a source of questions, Ellul offended all the rules of conversation. He didn't "claim that cats bark," but he talked about "cats when everyone else [was] talking about dogs."

But starting with Scripture when other social theorists are starting with political and economic realities doesn't entail an ignorance of social realities or scholarly interpretations. Ellul was as keenly aware of these as anyone, and more so than most. Rather, Ellul embraced the role of the Old Testament prophet as he described it in his introduction to the Book of Amos. According to Ellul, prophets are called to know and understand the social realities of their time, discern and pronounce the natural outcomes of the present state and trajectory of social life, "transform the political and moral interpretation of what was happening into a judgment and warning of a spiritual kind," and announce God's forgiveness and intervention for the penitent. The prophet must "keep together what belongs together: the political and moral interpretation of events, the catastrophes to come, discerning the judgment, and the call for repentance." According to Ellul, this was also the task of the Christian today, and it may be Ellul's best description of his own work.

With the foolishness of a prophet, Ellul often shows us that we're not only arriving at the wrong answers—we're beginning with the wrong questions. On Freedom, Love, and Power and On Being Rich and Poor help us to understand what Ellul regarded as the right questions, to comprehend better his answers to those questions in his other works, and to grasp the sometimes-explosive upshot of his career.

Noah Toly is Director of the Center for Urban Engagement and associate professor of politics & international relations at Wheaton College. He also teaches at the Free University of Berlin's Center for Global Politics.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

Those Other Gospels

How believers in the first millennium read non-canonical texts.

Books & Culture October 19, 2015

If the life of Jesus were fully recorded, the books would overflow the world. So John the Evangelist says at the close of his gospel (John 21:25). In one sense, this is true of any human life. The recording of each event, each word, each thought would be impossibly voluminous, and surely John means this. But he must also mean something more. For to record the life of the Son of God in the flesh is not simply the writing down of what happens but also the why and the how. To narrate a life is one thing; to narrate the life of God is something else. Therefore, the church doggedly affirmed the need for more than one gospel. The four with their multiple perspectives did a better job of capturing the richness of the Savior's life than did any single one. Yet, even by the evangelists' own testimony, they did not capture the whole, so over time other believers in Jesus contributed to the literature. Recent books by Philip Jenkins and Vernon K. Robbins focus their attention on these other accounts of Jesus.

The Many Faces of Christ: The Thousand-Year Story of the Survival and Influence of the Lost Gospels
Who Do People Say I Am?: Rewriting Gospel in Emerging Christianity

Who Do People Say I Am?: Rewriting Gospel in Emerging Christianity

Eerdmans

269 pages

$4.98

In The Many Faces of Christ: The Thousand-Year Story of the Survival and Influence of the Lost Gospels, Jenkins follows the path of his previous work by unearthing aspects of the church that many (especially in the West) have forgotten or ignored. If one desires to learn more from every age and locale where followers of Jesus (broadly construed) existed and wrote about the meaning of his life, this book is an excellent place to start.

Jenkins' historical ax to grind raises its edge against a narrative that has become increasingly popular in recent decades. He articulates it well:

[T]he earliest centuries of the faith (before Constantine) were marked by sprawling diversity and creativity, and many schools of thought contested freely. But the democratic, egalitarian, and Spirit-filled Jesus movement then atrophied into the repressive, bureaucratic, Catholic Church of the Midddle Ages. The narrow orthodoxies of a monolithic church replaced the effervescent "many Christianities" of the earliest centuries … . The medieval church was built on the ashes of burnt books.

Not true, Jenkins counters: "the lost gospels were never lost." Rather, these other stories of Jesus thrived in the art and drama of Europe, and the texts endured and sometimes even became canonical in the Eastern world. His research shows that it was not only the very early church that was diverse. "We should ask when that has not been true. When was the Christian world ever monolithic in such matters? No such historical moment ever existed. Jesuses abound, and always have. So do gospels."

Each chapter begins with a well-told story about an unfamiliar account of Jesus and the people who championed or derided it. Thus Jenkins fleshes out his claims about the diversity of Christianity, at times by era, at others by geography, theme, text, or religious affiliation. One striking evidence of this diversity is the Golden Legend, which provides the beginning story of Jenkins' fourth chapter. An account of Christian history written in Latin around 1270, Legenda Aurea, one of the most popular books in medieval Europe, preserved and passed on alternative gospels. Like the Infancy Gospel of Thomas, a disturbing account of Jesus' life from age 5 to 12, or the Acts of Pilate, which depicts Jesus' Harrowing of Hell, these alternative texts filled gaps in the canonical gospels or tackled theological questions upon which the church had said little. They met a felt need; hence, they were widely and enduringly popular.

The four gospels affirmed as canon did not tell everything about the life of Jesus—admittedly they leave big gaps.

Jenkins emphasizes a handful of ideas in The Many Faces of Christ, including the importance of wide geographical and chronological data as well as the dialectic between official decrees and grassroots realities. While his argument is quite convincing, one consistent orienting structure through the chapters—say, moving through different locales or times or themes—would have helped me grasp the bigger story more clearly and kept his chapters from feeling repetitive. In addition, at times I wondered if he stretched his argument a bit far. Did texts like the Gospel of Thomas really contribute to the notion of pantheism in Buddhism? Did the Apocalypse of Peter influence descriptions of hell in Dante? Do the apocrypha help explain the presence of dualism in heretical Eastern European sects? I do not question that the "lost texts" continued to show up in other versions, textual and visual, throughout the Middle Ages across the known world, but we should not underestimate the broader human propensity for non-canonical ideology. Modern Christians need not read the Gospel of Truth to display escapist (Gnostic) tendencies.

One might assume that Jenkins' book argues for a leveling of the playing field or that he is urging Western Christians to listen to the other stories that believers across the world and throughout the centuries have found important. He is clearly doing the latter, as his closing sentence declares: "Anyone interested in those rediscovered ancient gospels should be told the wonderful news—that a millennium of other writings awaits them, no less rich and provocative in their contents." He is not preaching the former, however—that the canonical and non-canonical gospels are indistinguishable. The "other accounts of Jesus" whose content and history he so winsomely describes throughout the book do not belong in the same category chronologically or historically. The canonical gospels, Jenkins writes, "really do take us directly to the world of Christ and his immediate followers in ways that no other candidate can or ever could."

On the point of differentiation between canonical and other accounts, Robbins' Who Do People Say I Am? Rewriting Gospel in Emerging Christianity is magnanimous to a fault. With warm, conversational, and instructional prose, Robbins presents a case for mutual influence. His goal is clear: "My thesis is that as early Christians used Gospels, those Gospels used them. In other words, influences are very subtle. Once something comes into the domain of our experience, it influences us and we influence it." The book demonstrates mutual interpretation of texts particularly well. Robbins traces extensive connections between Israel's Scriptures and the many gospels, as well as influence among the accounts of Jesus.

The first six chapters present an account of Jesus' identity as found in the canonical gospels, with initial chapters covering the Q material and the "Son of Man" traditions. In these accounts, the identity of Jesus is often compared to previous roles in Israel, of which Jesus is shown to be the fullest and ultimate example. Each of the next six chapters focuses on a non-canonical text with the goal of helping "readers both expand their knowledge of Christian tradition and deepen their understanding of one or more Gospels inside the New Testament." Robbins treats the Gospel of Thomas, the Infancy Gospel of Thomas, the Infancy Gospel of James, the Gospel of Mary, the Gospel of Judas, and the Acts of John. In these texts, Jesus cannot be compared to anything. He is "something different from what anyone has ever expected." Possibly these gospels, very interesting examples indeed, best help Robbins explain concepts in the canonical gospels, but I could not locate his reasoning for the selection of these particular texts and not others.

This book would serve well anyone desiring to know more about the stories of Jesus, inside and outside the Bible. It would be a handy supplement to a course on the Gospels or Jesus, providing context and explanation for some popular (and very foreign) texts. Robbins' socio-rhetorical reading strategies—a methodology he has championed—prompt him to ask illuminating questions of the text: "What exactly did Jesus do that called forth [these] kind of description[s] about him and his activities, and why did he do it?" Robbins asks readers to seriously consider the implications of following a suffering Messiah amid the tensions that led to the Jewish War of 66-70. Elsewhere he suggests that the anointing of Jesus' feet as recounted by Luke might be in preparation for the long journey to Jerusalem, and that Jesus' unique account of Isaiah's prophecy in Luke 4 may be due not to Lucan editing but to Jesus' memorization of the text. Questions of social location and rhetorical strategy allow Robbins to see things in the text that others might have passed over.

Moreover, this book provides a superb vehicle for learning about many alternative accounts of Jesus; Robbins' treatment of the non-canonical accounts is both thorough and gracious. It is a good thing "to keep an open mind," as he suggests, or else the reading of the non-canonicals becomes an exercise in the construction of straw men. Nevertheless, I wonder if programmatic open-mindedness sometimes blurs important distinctions. While it may be true that "many of the things that are strange to us may be very meaningful for some other people as they attempt to understand Jesus," is it the case that "the 'more strange' that Jesus becomes as this book proceeds, the closer we get to the 'innermost nature' of Jesus"? Diversity of accounts? Yes. Multivalence and richness in the life of Jesus? Absolutely. Even the ability to appreciate strangeness in others because of the unfamiliarity of Jesus is a wonderful goal. This text lacks, however, any discussion of the regula fidei, a notion that would help (especially inexperienced readers) understand why a spiritual Jesus who did not actually die on the cross, as depicted in the Acts of John, was ruled by the consensus of the church to be out of bounds.

The four gospels affirmed as canon did not tell everything about the life of Jesus—admittedly they leave big gaps. What was Jesus like at age seven? What was he doing on Holy Saturday? Jenkins and Robbins provide wonderful introductions to texts that attempted to answer questions like these and many others. Their books and the texts they write about do deserve attention. When we study and appreciate such accounts, we not only learn more about Christ-followers in other times and places but also, I suggest, come to see that the canon is not an elaborate conspiracy designed to suppress tantalizing and illuminating tales. Instead, we might come to see the canon more deeply as the wisdom of the church and the wisdom of God to privilege the accounts of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, four awesome and inspiring narratives whose treasures are inexhaustible.

Amy L. B. Peeler is assistant professor of New Testament at Wheaton College.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

Outing Early Christians

Scholarly clickbait.

The title of Douglas Boin's Coming Out Christian in the Roman World: How the Followers of Jesus Made a Place in Caesar's Empire is the print-medium equivalent of "clickbait." It arrests your frantic attention and makes you feel that, if you follow through to the content, your momentary focus will be rewarded. You simply must know: is this a book about gay Christians in the early church, or is "coming out" merely a metaphor for Christian conversion? Will reading this book miraculously endow you with wisdom to navigate the culture wars?

Coming Out Christian in the Roman World: How the Followers of Jesus Made a Place in Caesar’s Empire

Short answer: the "coming out" of the title is a metaphor, and, while many readers of varying theological perspectives might hope that an analogy between early Christians and today's LGBTQ people could heal some rifts, here it's mostly used for window-dressing rather than substantial analysis. For example, take Boin's treatment of Constantine. After quoting Eusebius's description of Constantine as a man who "prided himself" on his Christianity, Boin elaborates: "Constantine must have struck quite a pose. The same Greek verb, 'to pride oneself' (enabrunomai), had been used to describe men like Julius Caesar who made risky fashion choices, such as wearing loose-fitting clothes."

Constantine: out and flamboyant about his Christianity. But Christian identity in the era of the early church wasn't merely a matter of public proclamation: it was deliberately chosen and involved casting aside an old self. Many LGBTQ people would object to applying that description to gay identity, so there are some obvious flaws in the analogy. But, while Boin chooses as his epigraph a passage from John Lewis Gaddis about how "science, history, and art … all depend on metaphor," he doesn't actually depend consistently on his own chosen metaphor. Apart from the title, a few passages like the Constantine section, and the last words of the book—"What do I see now when I look back at four hundred years of Jesus' followers in Rome? I don't just see the red of the martyrs. I see a group waving a flag of many colors"—the metaphor isn't sustained. (For a more developed analogy between coming out and Christian conversion, see Norman W. Jones' Gay and Lesbian Historical Fiction: Sexual Mystery and Post-Secular Narrative.)

Boin's real point is buried in those last few sentences, though. Boin is an archaeologist, and one of the problems he's addressing is the lack of clear archaeological evidence for Christians in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Then, too, he's heard enough about the martyrs. They're one-dimensional, single-minded, zealous—worst of all, judgmental. To correct for their overly vocal presence in the historical narrative, Boin wants to unearth examples of quiet, inoffensive Christians who easily reconciled their Christian and Roman identities.

The problem is that Boin doesn't have much to round out his discussion of these supposedly milder early Christians (he uses the dearth of evidence as proof of their mildness). Chronologically (though not first in their order of appearance in the book), the first of Boin's exemplary Christians are "Chloe's people and Stephanas's people," names that Boin seems to have picked out of 1 Corinthians without regard for context. After quoting Paul's condemnation in 1 Corinthians 8:10 of some of the Corinthians for eating food sacrificed to idols, Boin writes, "Reading this letter, one could think that the rules for what it meant to be Jesus' follower had always been crystal clear and that Paul was chastising the group for ignoring widely posted placards. Yet no such admonition against attending a Roman banquet had ever existed."

Really? How about the Council of Jerusalem's command to abstain from meat sacrificed to idols, at least two years before Paul wrote 1 Corinthians? Then, too, it's not as if Jews in the Roman Empire were unconcerned about idolatry. Boin has just, two pages earlier, mentioned that Paul "was a Jewish man who saw belief in Jesus' resurrection as an essential part of his Jewish identity." Surely it would have been relevant before this point to talk about how 1st-century Jews negotiated their Roman identities. (Boin does get around to that in the following chapter, but he creates the same distinctions—Maccabees bad, completely Hellenized Jews good—that he does for Christians.)

As with "Chloe's people and Stephanas's people," Boin finds his other quiet Christians in between the lines penned by zealous Christians. We know of Martial and Basilides, bishops in 3rd-century Spain, because Cyprian, bishop of Carthage from AD 249 to 258, wrote a letter condemning their participation in Roman festivals. The Christian historian Lactantius said of Prisca and Valeria, the Christian wife and daughter of the emperor Diocletian (AD 303-12), that "Diocletian compelled [them] … to be polluted with a sacrifice." Among Boin's reworkings of historical documents, his reinterpretation of Prisca and Valeria's story is surely one of the strangest. Contra Lactantius, Boin writes, "From everything we now know about Roman sacrifice, we can say that Prisca and Valeria weren't compelled to do anything. Each of them could have opted for martyrdom if she'd wanted to." Clearly, Boin has an unusual definition of either "compelled" or "martyrdom," or possibly of both. Sure, embracing a victim narrative isn't helpful for anyone—LGBTQ, Christian, or LGBTQ Christian—but there is such a thing as persecution, and the threat of death seems like a fairly strong criterion for determining when it's happening.

Few as these examples are, Boin clings to them as a preferable alternative to post-Constantinian Christians, who "are embarrassingly full of derogatory remarks about 'pagans.' " Boin claims, however, that the "word 'pagan,' as fourth century Christians used it, had nothing to do with non-Christians." Instead, it referred to fellow Christians lacking in zeal. In these decades, "Christians were being forced to 'come out' in public. Others were being mocked for being too civilian or acting too Greek."

So, if zeal is the problem, how does that work with Boin's floundering metaphor? When Boin says that 4th- and 5th-century Christians were being forced to "come out," is he implying that there's some contemporary parallel to a "one size fits all" version of LGBTQ identity that might dominate within the LGBTQ community as it gains legal legitimacy? I don't think that's Boin's point, but the analogy is so undeveloped that it's hard to tell. Analogies can be powerful tools for changed understanding, for seeing oneself and others in new ways. But they can also be insensitive: comparing different forms of suffering is seldom a good idea. Coming Out Christian does at least avoid that.

Ultimately, though, Boin's analogy seems to be mostly a gimmick—a gimmick that, in its lack of development, could have been a Buzzfeed article. I would have clicked on it and then promptly forgotten it.

Carissa Turner Smith is associate professor of English at Charleston Southern University and writes about African American literature, spiritual autobiography, and young adult literature. She's currently working on a book project on saints and relics in children's and YA literature.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

A Natural History of Writing

From cuneiform to computer keystrokes.

Any given technology changes its meaning when alternatives to it arise: candles began to mean something different when gas lighting appeared; gas lighting began to mean something different when electrical light appeared. Associations form in the public mind with particular times, places, social groups—mental links that would have been impossible to forge without the clarifying power of contrast. This is not to say that technologies have no meaning until alternatives turn up: but the more universal they are, the less likely we are to reflect on them. The comment (I have heard it attributed to Huston Smith) that the only thing the world's religions have in common is that they all use candles is something that no one would have thought of before the advent of other forms of lighting.

Palimpsest: A History of the Written Word

Palimpsest: A History of the Written Word

W. W. Norton & Company

272 pages

$19.96

Thus when digital technologies of reading and writing arose, soon thereafter people became intensely reflective about what had preceded them: books, paper, pens and pencils. E-readers make the distinctive features, the characteristic conformation, of books stand forth vividly; a world in which everyone types becomes a world in which pens can be fetishized.

The attention vector of any particular technology goes something like this: from ubiquitous and largely unreflective use to the subject of specialized scholarly research to the topic of personal and idiosyncratic reflections. So the history of the book became a serious scholarly subdiscipline starting in the second half of the 20th century, and emerged onto the general public scene near the end of that century: Alberto Manguel's A History of Reading (1996) marked, more clearly than any other single book, that emergence. Reviewing that book for this journal, I wrote,

Alberto Manguel's rambling, digressive A History of Reading is not exactly a history; more accurately, it's a series of often fascinating snapshots. Here we have a lector reading aloud to cigar rollers in a Key West cigar factory; there we have an account of great bibliokleptomaniacs (book thieves); and look, a photograph of Eleanor of Aquitaine's tomb, with its sculpture of Eleanor reclining, a book in her hands. Manguel provides chapters on iconography, translation, forbidden books, and the categorical schemes of libraries. Interspersed with such historical commentary are Manguel's reflections on his own life as a devout reader, including his vivid story of the evenings he spent as a teenager in his home town of Buenos Aires reading aloud to the blind and elderly Jorge Luis Borges.

It was then time for such an account: painstaking academic scholars had laid a foundation of knowledge on top of which gifted writers such as Manguel could erect more elaborate and idiosyncratic edifices.

One of the scholars who pioneered the history of the book was Henri-Jean Martin, and in the emergence of the history of writing he is clearly the major figure. His 1998 book Histoire et pouvoirs de l'écrit—translated into English in 1994 as The History and Power of Writing—has been an enormously stimulating work for anyone seriously interested in what writing is, and was, and may become. And this leads us to a new book by Matthew Battles, Palimpsest: A History of the Written Word. As Alberto Manguel to the history of reading, so Battles to the history of writing.

Like Manguel, Battles is an elegant writer, full of curious facts and skilled at storytelling. Some of Battles' other work—he is a fine essayist—is devoted to what people today call "nature writing" but was for many centuries called "natural history": the history of a given environment, which, given climatic and geological changes, and variations in human and animal habitation, will inevitably be anecdotal and chaotic. So too with Battles' treatment of his subject here: he is a natural historian of writing, with all the idiosyncrasy that entails.

The book acquires some unity from two overarching concepts. The first is the one given in the title, the palimpsest: a piece of paper or parchment that has been overwritten repeatedly, leaving traces at best of what was first inscribed on it. (Here again the analogy to natural history is germane, as when a heavily forested tract of wilderness proves on close inspection to retain fragments of an old farmhouse's foundations, or some broken Roman tiles.) For Battles, the history of writing is in part the story of how people discovered the history of writing, or what they imagined about it:

A page of text, however freshly inked, will always be a palimpsest: beneath Roman letters, the Greek; beneath the printed serifs, the Humanist script and the column of Trajan; beneath the marble, the back-and-forth cadences of an ox pulling its plow through Mesopotamian earth. And as the palimpsest of writing reaches back into time, it wills itself forward as well into new forms—which, however they try to erase the old, are committed to bearing their traces.

Thus a chapter on Chinese writing describes not only what scholars now believe about its origins but also the speculations of the American scholar Ernest Fenellosa and how Ezra Pound's championing of those speculations shaped modernist poetry; the succeeding chapter tells us not just about Babylonian cuneiform but also about its deciphering in the Victorian era, and the discovery at the same time of the Epic of Gilgamesh—a poem that Saddam Hussein thought relevant to his own imperial ambitions. The history of writing is blank, then revealed, then effaced, then revealed again, differently. The very method here can be said to be palimpsestic.

The second governing concept of this book is the notion of writing as a magisterium—by which Battles means something like a means of concentrating and using power, or being subject to it. In a literate society, writing "is deeply interwoven in the individual minds and collective consciousness of we who read and write—so profoundly and intimately reorganizing the literate psyche that the manner in which it wields its power is all but invisible to us." In developing this point Battles retells a famous scene from Tristes Tropiques, the anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss's great account of his time doing fieldwork in Brazil. When Levi-Strauss was working among the Nambikwara people, who were then completely illiterate, he gave his friends pencils and paper, which they immediately began scribbling marks on, in imitation of him. But the chief did something different: when Levi-Strauss asked him a question, he took up his pencil and in some sense wrote an answer, which he then handed to the anthropologist. I say "in some sense" because, though he did not know how to write, he clearly understood that the act of writing was a means of conveying meaning: thus, Levi-Strauss explains, "each time he completed a line, he examined it anxiously as if expecting the meaning to leap from the page," and was disappointed when it did not. But he handed the sheets to Levi-Strauss anyway, and, since he would at the same time begin giving oral replies, he and the anthropologist could keep up the pretense that the real exchange of thoughts was happening via writing. And the chief made a point of showing himself to his people in the posture of one reading, interpreting—and by demonstrating this apparent mastery of the dark arts of literacy, he was able to consolidate and even amplify his authority.

Levi-Strauss, as Battles notes, draws a melancholy conclusion from this scene and the history it causes him to reflect on: "The only phenomenon with which writing has been concomitant is the creation of cities and empires, that is the integration of large numbers of individuals into a political system, and their grading into castes or classes … . My hypothesis, if correct, would oblige us to recognize the fact that the primary function of written communication is to facilitate slavery." Battles comments that "Cuneiform would seem to confirm [these] jaundiced expectations … : its earliest texts celebrate and tabulate the spoils of war." Long before writing became a means of expressing ideas or images or emotions, it was a means of social, political, and economic control. It does not remain that way, and eventually it becomes magisterial in another sense: "inspiring new and ever-proliferating structures of imagination … . [W]riting is less a machinery of power and authority than it is a discipline, a mode, a school of thought." But that more straightforward sense of writing as power always lurks in the background here, at least; as it should.

In part because Battles is usually good on these points, his chapter called "Holy Writ" is the book's one real disappointment. It is largely occupied with an overview of biblical hermeneutics, which seems out of place here. He notes that Jesus does not write—except for the curious and inexplicable writing in the dirt in John 8:6-8—though his Father does (in several ways). Battles unconvincingly calls this difference "Oedipal," but I think he would have done better to explain Jesus' non-writing—we cannot say "illiteracy"—in the context of the scribal culture of Palestianian Judaism. There is much to be said about these "scribes," who are referred to often, though vaguely, in the Gospels, and to whom Jesus is always contrasted. "He speaks as one with authority," some observers say of him, "not like the scribes and Pharisees." Yet the scribes, in part because they were scribes, held an official cultural power that Jesus, the itinerant preacher, lacked; and there seems to be a balancing of writing and power on the one side, speech and authority on the other. The traditional associations of speech with presence and writing with absence, and speech with the fleeting and writing with the permanent—all so rich and multilayered and complicated—deserve more reflection here. "Yet a little while am I with you," Jesus tells his disciples, but then he also says, "Heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away." All this seems grist for Battles' mill, and I wish he had taken a course that allowed him to grind away at it.

But those reservations aside, Palimpsest is a book that gave me much pleasure and much food for thought. If what you want is a scholarly, meticulous, strictly chronological account of this subject, then Martin's History and Power of Writing is still the one necessary text. But on a subject as endlessly various and ramifying as writing, a book like this one—itself various, ramifying, imaginative, meditative, contemplative, humorous—should have and hold a valued place on the shelf.

Alan Jacobs teaches in the Honors Program at Baylor University. His The Year of Our Lord 1943 will be published by Harvard University Press.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

Naming & Knowing

A splendid field guide to trees, best used at your desk.

It began with a booklet my father brought home from his office one day: Trees to Know in Oregon. I carried it around with me to see what I could identify in our backyard, starting with the Douglas fir and moving on to white oak, bigleaf maple, and Port Orford cedar—the latter, I found, planted just a hundred miles outside its natural range. The backside of the Port Orford leaf sprays sported a column of white X's, unlike the sprays of western red cedar in the Cascades, which looked like stacks of butterflies, and also unlike the sprays of incense cedar, in the warmer, southern part of the state, which appeared as a series of inset goblets.

Trees of Western North America (Princeton Field Guides)

Trees of Western North America (Princeton Field Guides)

Princeton University Press

560 pages

$45.79

So, I was off, learning the names and shapes of things—of these trees that, more than anything, defined the Pacific Northwest. Shy as I was, I felt that I was making friends. Later I would learn that the poet Rilke had said, "Through naming comes knowing," and I thought that I understood what he meant. My knowing has never been of a highly scientific kind—in college I would labor to learn the photosynthetic Krebs Cycle, only to have it pedal through one ear and cycle lamely out the other—and I often go through spells of forgetting, and have to be re-introduced to former acquaintances. But a lifelong satisfaction remains of sometimes knowing the names of trees and recalling, even, a few of their quirks and characteristics.

I have graduated over the years to more substantial field guides to the flora and fauna of various regions: the Santa Monica Mountains, the Sierra Nevada, the Siskiyous, the Olympic Peninsula. Some of these guides have talked over my head, some have confused me with out-of-focus photographs, and some have left out more than they might have included. So when John Wilson, in his infinite kindness, sent me a copy of Trees of Western North America, the latest in the series of Princeton Field Guides, I knew I would want to explore its merits. The first thing to know about this book, however, is that the term field guide is a bit of a misnomer. Though reasonably compact in size, it weighs in on my highly accurate bathroom scale at exactly two pounds. So field reference is more like it. This book is more likely to remain on my desk than to find its way into my rucksack.

Given this one drawback, however, Trees of Western North America is a splendid book, comprehensive in a way that readily answers the questions I bring home from the field. On a recent autumn visit to the North Cascades, for example, knowing I had seen some sort of mountain ash on the trail, I was only sure of the exact kind upon looking it up in the Princeton guide back in my cabin—a Sitka mountain ash, with its flaming orange leaves and crimson berries, one of thirty-one ash species listed in the volume. In this identification I was aided by the excellent illustrations of David More, crisp and vivid in a way that brings out the peculiarities of each plant feature. (I am reminded, too, of a note that the pioneering Northwest botanist David Douglas often made to himself in his journals: "Must learn to draw.") Also, of course, thumbnail maps of species distribution helped me to narrow down the candidates.

The entry for the California bay tree, a specimen that shades the streamsides near my home, can serve as an example of the helpful habits of this guide. First comes the common name, then the scientific (Umbellularia californica), and then a handy list of other common names under the heading A.K.A.: Oregon myrtle, California laurel, pepperwood, headache tree. And then a one-sentence Quick ID: "Smooth, lanceolate, entire evergreen leaves with a pungent spicy odor distinguish this tree." If I have forgotten what lanceolate means, I have only to turn to a visual key of leaf types at the beginning of the volume—or, if I am more verbally inclined, to the glossary in the back. Then follows a more detailed description of size and shape, followed by yet more precise information under headings such as Bark, Twig, Leaf, Flower, Fruit, Habitat/Range, and, most helpfully for a very amateur botanist like me, Similar Species, wherein I learn that California bay is a little but not exactly like giant golden chinquapin, tanbark oak, and bay laurel, the real source of the spice bay leaf, which is only "an occasional waif in Calif." Waif? I'm back to the glossary again, thinking of Little Orphan Annie but finding that in the world of botany a waif is "a stray"—that is, "a plant that has been introduced and is occasionally found growing naturally, but has not become naturalized or established self-perpetuating populations." On the opposite page are exquisite color drawings of an entire tree, a leaf spray, the fruit (in this case, a drupe, which sounds something like a Shakespearean insult), and the bark pattern. For good measure, four such drawings are also included of that wandering waif, the bay laurel.

Thus far the technical stuff, helpfully presented. But the last category of advice, just before the map of distribution, is the miscellaneous Notes. Here I learn that "this unique species is distinguished from all others in the region by its odor, permeating the air with the scent of bay, but stronger, with overtones of camphor and pepper." Hence the name pepperwood, I think. "It is at first pleasant, but in confined spaces can be obnoxious." And hence, headache tree! But wait. The leaves have been "used medicinally to treat many ailments, including headaches; ironically, their odor also produces a headache in many people." Well, okay, an ancient form of homeopathy—but it gives me a headache just trying to figure it out. I am on simpler ground when I learn that the leaves have also "been used to repel fleas in beds." (Where were the bay leaves when Shakespeare's ostlers and carriers needed them at the Rochester Inn?) I learn, too, that the California bay is the only species of the laurel family west of the Rockies, "a remnant of ancient times when other Lauraceae were also present"; that the trees can live up to 300 years; that the trunks can grow up to a meter in diameter (yes, the entire book is metric); that the wood is valued for interior cabinetry; and that "the flesh of the fruit is edible," though "palatable only for a brief period immediately after maturation."

What the notes don't tell you is that the flexible sprays of bay leaves can still be shaped into a passable laurel crown. My wife and I made one of these recently for the installation of our city poet laureate. Easy to do, and it looked terrific against her beautiful blonde hair. But the photographers and reporters and city council members kept asking her, "Are those really laurel leaves?"

"Beats me," she said, "but Willis made it, so it's probably the real thing."

Use your nose, I wanted to say. And maybe you'll get a headache.

Paul Willis is professor of English at Westmont College. He recently served as an artist-in-residence in North Cascades National Park in Washington State.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

“America’s Book”

Mark Noll on the Bible in public life.

The first thing I do every morning, even before brewing the coffee, is to retrieve the New York Times and the Indianapolis Star from our front sidewalk. Whereas the front page of the Times comes emblazoned with a secular slogan, "All the News That's Fit to Print," the Star's front page carries a motto from 2 Corinthians 3:17: "Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." Does the Star's biblical quotation signal a more conservative editorial stance? Perhaps, though as Mark Noll shows in his monumental new book, In the Beginning Was the Word, Americans have long appealed to the Bible as a kind of repository of republicanism (small "r"), a commonsense charter of liberties against the threat of aristocratic tyranny. The colonial minister Elisha Williams, for example, in his famous pamphlet The Essential Rights and Liberties of Protestants (1744), appealed to 2 Corinthians 3:17 as one of a number of "freedom" texts from the New Testament he regarded as support for his Lockean argument of unalienable rights and limited government.

In Noll's view, Williams exemplified Americans' persistent tendency to assume the Bible was on their side, despite the Scriptures' vastly different cultural origins. Williams' starting point was his own politics: he reasoned from Lockean principles to the Bible, not the other way around. His pamphlet foreshadowed what Noll calls the "Whig-biblical confluence" during the American Revolution, when clergy of many stripes, along with secular pamphleteer Tom Paine, appealed to Scripture to justify the Patriot cause. Ironically, the same Bible had been used earlier in the colonial era not to attack the British monarchy but to defend it as a bulwark against Catholic (especially French) tyranny.

All too often, histories of the Bible in America have uncritically glorified the American project.

The story told by Noll brims with such ironies and complexities. The first installment of a projected two-volume history of the Bible in American public life, In the Beginning Was the Word is the fruit of Noll's many years of deep reflection combined with his proven talent for synthesis. Anyone who knows Noll personally can attest to his uncanny bibliographical recall, and his command of the literature (both primary and secondary) is on dazzling display here. The result is a book that will remain definitive for a long time to come.

Though Noll writes as a believing historian who regards the Bible as divine revelation, he resists the urge to write a purely celebratory account of "America's Book." Instead, he writes a "cautionary tale" (his words) recognizing both the life-transforming power of Scripture for countless individuals and the "host of destructive or delusionary results manifest among those who believed in that power." Scripture, in other words, frequently served as an instrument of both personal redemption and imperial ambition.

We see this tension in Christopher Columbus, who, with what Noll calls an almost "Puritan ardor," kept a notebook of biblical prophecies he felt predicted his own manifest destiny in opening the New World for Christendom. As Noll rightly reminds us, it was Catholics such as Columbus who first brought the Bible to American shores, though soon enough, Protestant vernacular Bibles, and Protestant imperial ambitions, would eclipse the Catholic Vulgate in American public life.

Protestant biblicism, which necessarily dominates Noll's narrative, begins with Martin Luther's sola scriptura, an axiom Noll regards as inherently unstable because of the constant intrusion of other authorities, whether civil or ecclesiastical, on the authority of Scripture alone. Luther and the other magisterial reformers, in fact, still accepted a great deal of church tradition as a complement to biblical authority and were profoundly uncomfortable with the populist radicals who interpreted Scripture apart from established expertise.

Yet it was populist biblicism that ultimately became a hallmark of American culture, thanks to developments in Tudor and Stuart England that Noll narrates with subtle insight. The first, of course, was the translation of a vernacular English Bible by William Tyndale, though as Noll persuasively argues (building on the work of David Norton), the introduction of versified Bibles, beginning with the Geneva Bible (1560), was almost as momentous for the culture. "With enduring effect," Noll writes, "versification tilted instincts about Scripture away from the human and toward the divine. It made it much easier to assemble proof-texts from throughout the sacred volume that the assembler could present as authentic divine teaching." The Geneva Bible even began each verse on a separate line of print, a practice continued in the version that would become preeminent in American culture, the King James Bible (1611). Versification abetted, among others, the Westminster divines, whom Parliament directed in 1646 to append an apparatus of proof texts to their Confession of Faith. Noll regards this parliamentary directive as "proto-democratic" because it suggested that the empirical evidence of Scripture was open to examination and interpretation by anyone. But the treatment of the Bible as a "reservoir of fact," he contends, also came at the expense of older modes of reading, including the medieval vision of the Scriptures as a web of types.

Noll sees the Westminster Confession, with its extensive chapter on Holy Scripture (the first and longest of the document's sections) as the "lodestar" for many American biblicists, most notably the New England Puritans, who sought to build a "total society on the basis of biblical exegesis." This worked well as long as everyone reached similar exegetical conclusions. But when the biblicism of Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson led them to challenge the establishment, the first cracks appeared in what Noll calls "formal" Christendom—the state-church paradigm that the Puritans inherited from Europe. Elsewhere in the colonies, William Penn drew similarly radical conclusions from Scripture, pushing him "beyond Christendom to something very close to a modern understanding of religious freedom."

While these dissident voices were heralds of the disestablishment eventually enacted by the Constitution, an "informal" Christendom survived in American culture long after the collapse of Puritanism and formal church establishment. Indeed, Noll shows that from as early as 1689 (when the Toleration Act in England granted legal protection to dissenting Protestants) and throughout the 18th century, the Bible was woven into British imperialist, and later American nationalist, ideologies. Whereas earlier Puritan jeremiads had invoked the biblical prophets to decry the laxity of citizens in the Bible commonwealth, 18th-century colonists enlisted biblical tropes such as Exodus to extoll the British monarch's triumph over "popery and slavery." Even the Great Awakening, which reinvigorated a populist biblicism that might have challenged imperialist violence, did not fundamentally question the political status quo. The "Grant Itinerant" George Whitefield spoke for many when he declared that the "British Arms were never more formidable than when our Soldiers went forth in the Strength of the Lord, and with a Bible in Hand, and a Sword in the other."

This alliance between biblicism and imperialism is part of what Noll perceptively dubs a "thinning" of the Bible's public presence in the 18th century. This did not necessarily entail fewer biblical citations, for as British imperialism morphed into Yankee patriotism, preachers drew more heavily on Scripture to justify war with the mother country. By "thinning," Noll means the tendency to use Scripture as rhetorical window dressing rather than as a genuine teaching authority that might actually upset prevailing assumptions. As Noll shows, it was rare for 18th-century Americans to discover in Scripture any fundamental challenges to the conventional acceptance of racial slavery, an untrammeled market economy, or Whig political ideology.

Of course, even as the Bible thinned in public life, it deepened in the lives of many individuals, especially those touched by the revivalism of the Awakening and its aftermath. Scripture was particularly empowering for persons on the margins, including women and African Americans. A striking instance is the freed slave Olaudah Equiano, whose autobiography is, in Noll's apt description, a "fusillade" of biblical quotations and allusions—more than a hundred different passages, by Noll's count. Yet although Equiano became an antislavery activist who helped push for the end of the slave trade in Britain, his Interesting Narrative (1789) does not mount a systematically biblical argument in favor of abolition. Near the end of the text, he briefly invokes Luke 2:14 ("on earth peace, good will toward men") in expressing the hope that Parliament would abolish the slave trade. But his Narrative, as Noll concludes, is overwhelmingly a story of personal redemption. As such, it typified the mostly apolitical uses of the Bible by other 18th-century evangelicals.

Thus Noll arrives at a paradox about the role of the Scriptures in colonial America: "The Bible functioned in this period as a powerful source of guidance for individuals and communities. It also functioned as a rich treasury of tropes, models, types, examples, and precepts in service to principles that did not arise from its pages." I would venture to elaborate on Noll's argument by saying that the paradox is embodied in 2 Corinthians 3:17 ("Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty"), which I quoted at the beginning of this review. Taken in isolation (which, as Noll shows, is the classically American way of deploying biblical verses), the passage admits of multiple uses, some of them far removed from the original context (the Apostle Paul's complex discussion of the "new covenant" foretold in Jeremiah 31:31-33). The verse allows for one kind of popular application if employed devotionally by individual Christians, who might well take it as a comforting promise of the liberty to be found in Christ. But if applied corporately, to a whole people or nation, then the question becomes: Whose liberty, and for what purpose? Once the passage takes on a political meaning, as it did long ago for Elisha Williams, the potential ethical problems begin to multiply. To quote Noll again on Americans' tendency to read their own agenda into Holy Writ:

[D]angerously mistaken interpretations of Scripture undercut the charity that the Bible enjoins toward foes, sanctioned murderous assaults on the sort of marginal people for which Scripture requires special consideration, justified a system of racial slavery with no biblical warrant, and short-circuited the capacity for self-criticism that Scripture everywhere demands of God's elect people.

In the end, it is precisely this capacity for self-criticism that distinguishes Noll's In the Beginning Was the Word as the most profound treatment ever written of the Bible in American public life. All too often, histories of the Bible in America have uncritically glorified the American project, stopping just short of assuming that Moses and Jesus were Americans whose teachings were everywhere in harmony with the nation's imperial ambitions. Noll exposes this delusion while also admitting the illusory nature of the sola scriptura that forms part of his own heritage as a Protestant.

Yet Noll's book is not all criticism. In its own nuanced way, it is a celebration of the richly fertile biblical world that colonial Americans inhabited. I have been unable to do justice in this review to the sheer volume of biblical allusions and citations that Noll uncovers in the legions of sources he examined. As he explains in the book's introduction, his referencing of so many passages of Scripture was a conscious decision—an answer to his colleagues in the historical profession who have treated the Bible as mere "wallpaper, simply a backdrop for more important objects of attention." To be sure, as Noll's own account makes clear, the Bible has sometimes functioned as little more than rhetorical wallpaper, a fancy covering designed to sanctify the nation's aims. But the Bible has also proven personally ennobling for countless citizens, even—and perhaps especially—after the republic threw off the system of inherited nobility and monarchy in the wake of the Revolution. Noll promises a second volume that will examine the "rise and gradual decline of a 'Bible civilization' in the United States in the long 19th century." After the intellectual feast Noll has already given us over the course of his career, including in his earlier magnum opus, America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (2002), we can only rejoice that the world does not yet "contain [all] the books that should be written" (John 21:25) by this uncommonly wise interpreter of the American religious experience.

Peter J. Thuesen is Professor of Religious Studies at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis and author of Predestination: The American Career of a Contentious Doctrine (Oxford Univ. Press, 2009). Currently, he is co-editing (with Philip Goff and Arthur E. Farnsley II) The Bible in American Life (forthcoming from Oxford).

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

Charles the Unwise

Why he lost his head.

In October of 1623, Charles Stuart—Prince of Wales and heir apparent of the thrones of England, Scotland, and Ireland—returned from a trip to Spain to the thunderous applause of the nation. Parades and parties, cheers and toasts, greeted him, followed shortly by praising pamphlets and widely distributed copies of his likeness. He was, by a long measure, the most popular man in England, adored by the people. In January of 1649, those same people would chop off his head.

Charles I and the People of England

Charles I and the People of England

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

464 pages

$40.70

Of course, since he had gone to Spain to win a Spanish Catholic bride, and returned so insulted and embarrassed by his failure that he urged his Anglican father, James I, to declare war on the Catholic country, there are reasons to think that perhaps his popularity was founded on some misapprehension of his talents and the policies he favored. Still, the question of King Charles' Head, the puzzle of his tumble from esteem to execution, is one that persists among scholars and general readers alike. We have no real, completely persuasive explanation for how it all went so bad so fast.

Not that the writers of the 19th and 20th centuries, confident in their broad views of history, didn't try. On one side stood the Whig historians—Every day in every way, getting better and better!—asserting that the fall of Charles was an unfortunate outgrowth of the gloriously rising democratic spirit of the English constitution. On the other side stood the Marxists—Every day in every way, getting worse and worse!—proclaiming that Charles died as a glorious outgrowth of the unfortunately rising anti-labor spirit of bourgeois English capitalism. And for a long time, the Whigs and the Marxists divided the field between them, with relief found only in C. V. Wedgwood's sane insistence, throughout her books about the English Civil War, on the mad confusion of it all and the problems of knowing what was happening suffered by people of the time.

To the literature of sanity, we can add David Cressy's new volume, Charles I and the People of England. An Englishman who has taught for many years in the United States, Cressy is a history professor at Ohio State and the author of ten prior books, including Coming Over: Migration and Communication between England and New England in the Seventeenth Century (1987), Agnes Bowker's Cat: Travesties and Transgressions in Tudor and Stuart England (2001), and Saltpeter, the Mother of Gunpowder (2013).

In Charles I and the People of England, Cressy points out that the nobles, pamphlet-writers, politically involved clergy, and important members of parliamentary parties were only a small percentage of the population. When we do historical studies, we tend to concentrate on the thoughts and actions of those segments of the culture, in part because we have to. They were either the visible signs, subjects of endless writing, or they were ferociously literate themselves, pouring out the literary record. Together they provide the outsized portion of the record on which we have to rely. But the other 90-odd percent of Charles's subjects formed the deeper wells from which all the grand historical figures had to draw their power. "The concerns of ordinary men and women, though obscured, are neither irrelevant nor irretrievable," as Cressy notes. "Even the powerless had opinions."

In his repeated insistence on the point, Cressy can sound a little dated. From the late Marxists to the feminists and beyond, we have lived through a long, long era of academic preference for histories of the ordinary lives of what Cressy dubs the "invisible," and there's nothing remarkable about an attempt to write up their side of the story. What is remarkable is Cressy's success, once he's gotten past the throat-clearings and genuflections toward scholarly fashion in his preface and introduction. (It's worth remarking, as well, that both contain passages with an oddly off tone, as though Cressy were writing blurbs for someone else's book: "Charles I and the People of England tells an old story with fresh material," he notes, "and reconnects the social, political, cultural, and religious histories of the early Stuart era. This is a populated history, rich in stories, incidents, and expressions." All of which strikes me as true, and I might have written something like it myself in praise of the book—but then, I'm not the book's author.)

Still, Cressy opens with a perfect story. At a Palm Sunday sermon in 1626, Lucy Martin, an otherwise forgotten tailor's wife, wrapped a note around a rock and threw it at King Charles. It contained some apparent jeers at the French Catholic princess, Henrietta Maria, whom Charles had married in 1624, and it declared a private revelation that God had ordered Lucy Martin—"at my good sister's house in Great Marlow, as I was at prayer alone"—to convey to the king personally.

After her arrest, she explained to her judges that she needed the king's help in expiating a grievous sin of her own—she "had played the harlot with one Henry Merry, then a yeoman," she said—because, in Cressy words, "her private remorse for errors of the flesh was amplified by anxiety about the sins of the kingdom." Sentenced for the impertinence of throwing a rock at the king, she was "well corrected with the whip" at Bridewell and sent back to her tailor husband.

The perfection of the story lies in its confusions. Even as late 1635, ten years after his coronation, Charles appeared enormously popular. More dignified and gracious than his father, "the wisest fool in Christendom," Charles had gradually learned to keep England out of the various battles of the Thirty Years' War that raged on the continent. Business in England and Scotland was good. Claiming revenue from sources he probably didn't legally control, he seemed to be funding the government without parliament. All in all, the nation was fat, comfortable, and peaceful.

But even while the people in general approved of the king, they were growing to dislike their actual encounters with him. Charles undoubtedly thought he was growing closer to his subjects through his regular tours of the countryside, but in fact the ordinary people resented his courtiers' under-compensated claiming of goods, his expansions of the protected forests, the housing of soldiers he required, and his constant revenue-raising schemes. From George Villiers, the Duke of Buckingham (stabbed to death in 1628), to William Laud, the Archbishop of Canterbury (executed in 1645), Charles seemed incapable of finding advisors who would not become lightning rods for the people's anger.

Meanwhile there was the constant roiling of religion—with Catholics, Arminian Protestants, and Calvinists all raging at one another. The religious problems of Scotland probably had no solution, but Charles managed to make the situation worse by the Bishops' Wars over ecclesial government and the prayerbook, which quickly turned an argument within the Scottish parliament into actual military battles of Charles against a Scottish parliament united in outrage. The slide to civil war in England was hastened by such unforced errors as Charles' reauthorization of sports on the Sabbath, and it's hard to imagine making a bigger hash of things than Charles managed in Ireland.

The Irish at the time were divided into three groups: the Irish Catholics (who hated all the English), the long-settled English families (who were mostly Catholics), and the new English settlers (who were uniformly Presbyterian and hated both the Irish and the English Catholics). And somehow, the Earl of Strafford—Thomas Wentworth, Charles's Lord Deputy of Ireland—ended up alienating all three groups.

Despite his promise that Strafford would not "suffer in his person, honour or fortune," Charles turned him over to the parliament in 1641, hoping this act of appeasement would preserve the monarchy. The king might as well have kept his word, for by then it was too late. By 1642, Charles had fled London and the Civil War had begun. He lost in the process his throne, his armies, and his life. And in the end, the Long Parliament, which would not abide the king's power to dissolve it, was dissolved by Oliver Cromwell's New Model Army in 1648—suffering under a dictator what they refused to suffer under a king.

Cressy follows this story through ten focused chapters, drawing on many sources to show how the events were driven by and impacted the common people. He draws particularly on the thousands of surviving petitions to the king, filled with requests for office, personal grievances, political argument, and religious disquisition.

What emerges in Charles I and the People of England is just how many people in 17th-century England resembled Lucy Martin, the rock-throwing tailor's wife. Oh, not in the fullness of her mental disturbance or her mystical sense of the king's involvement in her sins, but certainly in the general confusion of things and ideas. They ran together economic discontents with nationalistic feelings and medieval monarchistical mysticism with a sense of modern misgovernment—all against a background of a Protestant conversion of the nation stuck at half-achieved since the time of Henry VIII.

Even the weather, with cold blasts of the Little Ice Age, seemed to speak of the failures of Charles I, Cressy notes. The personal was taken as a sign of the political, the political as a sign of the religious, and the physical as a sign of the supernatural. The accumulation proved in the end too much. Even if they did not turn strongly against the king, the common people eventually decided that they would not support him, and his uncommon enemies were thereby licensed to haul him up to the executioner's block.

Joseph Bottum is an essayist in the Black Hills of South Dakota. His most recent book is An Anxious Age: The Post-Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of America (Image).

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

Philip the Imprudent

Micromanaging an empire.

With so much blood I have paid for the peace of the world. My thunderstroke has felled the pride of the Reformers who fill the people's minds with false dreams. Death, in my hands, can reap a bountiful harvest."

These lines, sung by the character of King Philip II in Giuseppe Verdi's 1867 opera "Don Carlos," sum up the essence of this Spanish Hapsburg monarch, as seen through the eyes of his detractors. For centuries, many people outside the Hispanic world (and some within it, too) considered Philip a tyrannical zealot and the embodiment of all that was wrong with Catholicism and with Spain and its empire. In English and Dutch culture, and in English and Dutch Protestantism, especially, Philip II (1527-1598) had a top spot on the list of monstrous villains, a unique distinction now strictly reserved in our world for the likes of Adolf Hitler.

How Philip earned this ill fame is easy to explain. In England, he had not only married the infamous Protestant-slaying Queen Mary—who died childless in 1558—but also attempted to invade and conquer the island kingdom, dethrone Mary's half-sister Queen Elizabeth, and re-Catholicize the English people. In the Netherlands he set up the Inquisition, martyred many a Calvinist, and waged a long and brutal war against those who wanted independence from his rule. Small wonder, then, that Verdi could have his King Philip sing out: "People, in putting this crown on my head, I made the vow to God who gives it to me, to avenge Him by fire and the sword!"

Verdi and his late 19th-century audience would have had a difficult time recognizing the King Philip described and analyzed in Geoffrey Parker's new biography and in the handful of revisionist biographies from the past half-century that preceded this new one. In these biographies by several scholars—many of them British—Philip still wages wars and executes enemies, as all monarchs did in his day, but he is no monster, no bloodthirsty papist.

Geoffrey Parker has had a large role to play in this rehabilitation of Philip. Though he is a historian with an impressively wide-ranging set of interests, Parker has devoted much of his career to writing about Philip and his role in early modern history. First came Philip II (1978), a biography that chipped away at myths and revealed a complex early modern ruler who was far from fiendish. Then followed a number of publications that focused on Philip's statecraft and military exploits, most notably two closely related books that distilled Parker's assessments of Philip's rulership: The Grand Strategy of Philip II (2000), and The World Is Not Enough: The Imperial Vision of Philip II of Spain (2001). Now comes this second biography, which is actually a condensed translation of a much longer Spanish version published in 2010 under the title Felipe II: La biografía definitiva.

One must ask: what makes Parker's new biography different from the first one, or from his other books on King Philip? What is truly new here? The short answer is that even in this condensed version, Parker sheds new light on a great number of issues and uncovers much about Philip's life that has been neglected. Parker gained access to thousands of previously unavailable documents, particularly from the archive of the dukes of Altamira, which—for various reasons—had ended up dispersed to various locations where they remained inaccessible until fairly recently.

What Parker draws from these documents, which are frequently quoted, is a very detailed picture of Philip's personality, and particularly of his decision-making process. There are also plenty of details provided about Philip's personal life, but what is most impressive about Parker's close reading of the newly available documents is his ability to analyze the nuances of Philip's modus operandi. It could be said that this biography continuously attempts to get into Philip's mind, and that by doing so it sheds light not only on the king's life but also on the events that shaped him and those he had a hand in shaping.

When all is said and done, the Philip that emerges from this biography is an intensely ambitious man driven by ideals and compulsions: a ruler shaped as much by his sense of duty and his Catholic faith as by a host of personal obsessions and fixations. The book's title is most appropriate, for the monarch found within these pages—dubbed "Philip the Prudent" in his own day due to the unhurriedness of many of his deliberations—is ultimately shown to be quite unwise, and often inept.

Philip's imprudence stemmed in part from personal shortcomings and in part from the vastness and complexity of the empire he ruled. As a micromanager who felt compelled to read, annotate, and sign hundreds of documents per day, and to mull over decisions large and small concerning a far-flung global empire in an age when information could never flow smoothly or quickly, Philip was doomed to rule ineffectively. Slowness became the hallmark of his rulership. As his frustrated viceroy in Naples, Cardinal Granvelle, observed, "If death came from Spain, we should all be immortal."

As a fervent Catholic who loathed Protestantism and as a Hapsburg who found it absolutely necessary to defend and enhance his dynasty's authority, Philip was also destined to engage in constant warfare and to make disastrous decisions, even against the sage advice of those around him. The two worst of these fatal errors dissected by Parker were Philip's decision to engage in an endless campaign against the rebellious Netherlands and his insistence on sending the ill-fated Armada to invade England in 1588.

Philip's role in the notorious case of his son Don Carlos (whose death was blamed on Philip by his adversaries) is examined in detail, and the ancient charge of murder is exposed by Parker as "baseless." Similarly, Parker devotes close attention to the details surrounding Philip's involvement in the long imprisonment of Archbishop Bartolomé de Carranza by the Inquisition, the murder of scheming courtier Juan de Escobedo, and the botched prosecution of his alleged assassin, Antonio Pérez, a royal secretary.

But Parker does much more than focus on Philip's shortcomings, failures, and infamous scandals. His Philip is also a king who enjoys many a success, such as his victory over France in 1559, the conquest of Portugal in 1580, and the expansion of his empire in the New World and Asia. He is also a family man, repeatedly widowed, who seems to find some happiness in the midst of constant grief, and some solace in his duties as head of the most powerful family in the world, despite all of the friction caused by inevitable collisions between blood ties and issues of rulership.

In sum, Parker's new biography presents us with a man—warts and all—whose life was full of contradictions as well as triumphs and failures, and whose behavior was far more complex than that portrayed by his many enemies or, at the other extreme, by historian Henry Kamen, a contemporary of Parker who has tried to reduce Philip's warts and to portray the steely king as some sort of jovial Renaissance man.

The research carried out for this biography is astoundingly thorough and impressive. The writing is superb. Though the oft-overexploited adjective "definitive" has been avoided in the title of the English language version, this biography is as definitive as "definitive" can get. And, best of all, it's as splendid a book as one could ever hope to read.

Carlos Eire is T. Lawrason Riggs Professor of History and Religious Studies at Yale University.

Copyright © 2015 by the author or Christianity Today/Books & Culture magazine. Click here for reprint information on Books & Culture.

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